Gender-Based Violence in Somalia: State Protection Does Not Exist

Last updated: 5 October 2026

Photo: Intimidatin-security-personnel-Somalia - EU Civil Protection and Humanitarian Aid

Somalia gender violence is one of the worst crises for women and girls anywhere in the world. The country has a 98% rate of female genital mutilation (FGM). Sexual violence is widespread in conflict zones, IDP camps, and homes. The Somali government does not protect women. There is no effective law against gender-based violence (GBV). Police rarely investigate. Courts almost never convict. For asylum decision-makers, Somalia gender violence provides strong grounds for international protection under the Refugee Convention.

This report examines the main forms of gender-based violence in Somalia. It covers FGM, sexual violence, forced and child marriage, and the complete failure of state protection. The evidence comes from UNFPA, UNICEF, Human Rights Watch, and the UN. Every source confirms the same finding: women in Somalia face systematic violence, and the state does nothing meaningful to stop it. Understanding these patterns is essential for anyone assessing human rights claims from Somali women.

Female Genital Mutilation: 98% Prevalence

Somalia has the highest rate of female genital mutilation in the world. UNICEF data shows that 98% of girls and women aged 15-49 have undergone FGM. This is a practice where parts of the female genitals are cut or removed. It causes severe pain, bleeding, infections, and long-term health problems. In the most extreme form, called infibulation (Type III), the vaginal opening is sewn almost completely shut.[1]

In Somalia, the most common form is Type III (infibulation). This is also the most harmful form. It is sometimes called "pharaonic circumcision" locally. It involves removing the clitoris, the labia minora, and parts of the labia majora. The wound is then stitched closed, leaving only a small opening. The health consequences are severe. They include chronic pain, recurrent infections, difficulty urinating, complications during childbirth, and psychological trauma.

FGM is usually performed on girls between the ages of 4 and 11. It is deeply embedded in Somali culture. Many families believe it is a religious requirement, although Islamic scholars disagree on this. Families also believe that uncut girls cannot marry. Since marriage is often the only economic option for women, mothers feel pressure to have their daughters cut. This creates a cycle that is very difficult to break.[2]

There is no effective law against FGM in Somalia. The federal government has discussed a bill, but it has never been passed by parliament. Some regional states, like Puntland, have attempted laws. However, enforcement is nonexistent. No one has ever been successfully prosecuted for performing FGM in Somalia. Without legal consequences, the practice continues unchallenged.

Sexual Violence: A National Crisis

Sexual violence in Somalia happens in many contexts. It is connected to armed conflict, displacement, and everyday life. The main settings where sexual violence occurs are:

• Conflict zones: Armed groups, including Al-Shabaab and clan militias, use rape as a weapon of war
• IDP camps: Displaced women and girls are extremely vulnerable to sexual attacks
• Domestic settings: Marital rape is not recognised as a crime under Somali law
• Detention: Women in government and militia custody face sexual violence

In conflict areas, soldiers and militia members commit rape with no fear of punishment. Al-Shabaab fighters take women as "wives" by force. Government soldiers have also been accused of sexual violence. In 2024, the UN documented hundreds of cases of conflict-related sexual violence in Somalia. The real number is much higher because most women do not report attacks.[3]

In IDP camps, women face daily risks. They are attacked when they leave camps to collect firewood, water, or food. Gatekeepers (powerful men who control IDP sites) sometimes demand sex in exchange for access to aid. Women who resist may be excluded from food distribution. Single women and those from minority clans face the highest risk because they have no male protectors and no clan to defend them.[4]

Domestic violence is culturally accepted in many parts of Somalia. A husband has the perceived right to beat or rape his wife. There is no law against marital rape. Women who complain face social rejection. Their own families may tell them to stay silent. Divorce is possible under Islamic law, but divorced women lose social status and economic support. This traps many women in violent marriages.

Reported GBV Incidents in Somalia by Year

Forms of Gender-Based Violence: Prevalence Data

Legal Framework: A System That Fails Women

Somalia's legal framework does almost nothing to protect women from gender-based violence. The country has a patchwork of laws that often contradict each other. Three legal systems operate at the same time: formal state law, customary clan law (xeer), and Sharia law. In practice, customary and Sharia law are used far more often than state law. Both systems tend to favour men.[5]

The Sexual Offences Bill is the most important piece of legislation that never happened. The Somali government drafted this bill to criminalize rape, sexual assault, and other forms of GBV. Religious leaders and conservative politicians opposed it. They argued that it contradicted Sharia law. The bill has never been passed by parliament. Without it, there is no clear legal definition of rape in Somali federal law.[6]

Under customary clan law (xeer), sexual violence is often resolved through negotiation between clans. The victim's clan and the perpetrator's clan agree on compensation. This usually involves the perpetrator's family paying camels or money to the victim's family. In some cases, the "resolution" involves the victim marrying the rapist. The woman has no say in these decisions. Her clan decides for her.

In Al-Shabaab areas, Sharia courts handle sexual violence cases. However, these courts often blame the victim. A woman who reports rape may be accused of adultery if she cannot produce four male witnesses. The punishment for adultery is stoning. This means that a rape victim risks being killed for reporting the crime. As a result, almost no women report sexual violence in Al-Shabaab territory.[7]

Gender-based violence in Somalia is not just a women's issue. It is a human rights crisis that affects millions of people. The lack of laws, the failure of institutions, and the deeply rooted cultural acceptance of violence against women create an environment where GBV is normalised and perpetrators act with total impunity.
— UNFPA, State of the World's Midwifery: Somalia Country Brief, 2024

Forced Marriage and Child Marriage

Child marriage is very common in Somalia. UNICEF estimates that 45% of Somali girls are married before the age of 18. About 8% are married before 15. Some girls are married as young as 9 or 10 years old. These are not marriages in any meaningful sense. They are sales of children.[8]

Families arrange marriages for several reasons. Poverty is the main driver. A bride's family receives a dowry (payment) from the groom's family. In times of drought or famine, families marry their daughters younger to get resources. Clan alliances also drive forced marriage. Families use their daughters to build relationships between clans or to settle disputes.

In some cases, a girl is forced to marry her rapist. This is considered a "solution" under customary law because it preserves the family's honour and ensures the perpetrator's clan pays compensation. For the girl, it means a lifetime of living with her attacker. There is no minimum age for marriage in Somali federal law. Some regional states have attempted to set a minimum age, but these laws are not enforced.

No State Protection for Women

The Somali state does not protect women from gender-based violence. This failure is total. It exists at every level of the system.

Police rarely investigate reports of sexual violence. Officers are often untrained in handling GBV cases. Many police officers believe that sexual violence is a private family matter. Some officers demand bribes from victims before they will open a case. In some documented instances, police officers themselves have committed sexual violence against women in their custody.[9]

Courts almost never convict perpetrators. The few cases that reach court are often resolved through clan negotiation before a verdict. Judges may dismiss cases or impose very light sentences. Women who bring cases face social pressure to withdraw them. Their own families may pressure them to accept clan-based compensation instead of pursuing justice through the courts.

Cultural barriers make reporting almost impossible. A woman who reports rape faces stigma. Her community may blame her for the attack. She may be shunned by her family. In extreme cases, she may face honour-based violence from her own relatives. The Human Rights Watch has documented cases where rape survivors were killed by their own families to restore the family's honour.[10]

The combination of legal failure, institutional weakness, and cultural barriers means that women in Somalia have nowhere to turn. There are no domestic violence shelters run by the government. A small number of NGOs provide services, but they can only help a fraction of the women who need support. The state has completely failed in its duty to protect women from gender-based violence.

Implications for Asylum Claims

Somalia gender violence has clear and direct implications for asylum claims. Women fleeing Somalia can seek protection on the basis of gender-based persecution. The 1951 Refugee Convention protects people who face persecution because of their membership of a particular social group (PSG). Women in Somalia who face FGM, forced marriage, or sexual violence belong to such a group.[11]

The key elements for an asylum claim based on Somalia gender violence are:

• Well-founded fear: With a 98% FGM rate and widespread sexual violence, the fear is clearly well-founded
• Particular social group: Women in Somalia, or girls at risk of FGM, form a recognised PSG
• Failure of state protection: The evidence is overwhelming that the Somali state cannot and will not protect women
• No internal relocation: GBV happens everywhere in Somalia. Moving to another part of the country does not provide safety

The UK courts have recognised FGM as a form of persecution in multiple cases. In AMM and others (conflict; humanitarian crisis; returnees; FGM) Somalia CG [2011] UKUT 445 (IAC), the Tribunal examined FGM as part of the broader country guidance on Somalia. More broadly, K and Fornah v Secretary of State for the Home Department [2006] UKHL 46 established that women at risk of FGM can qualify for refugee status as members of a particular social group.

For a detailed assessment of individual cases, asylum practitioners should consult a Somalia expert witness who can provide evidence on the specific risks faced by the applicant based on their clan, location, and personal circumstances.

Conclusion

Somalia gender violence is endemic, systematic, and completely unchecked by the state. FGM affects virtually every girl. Sexual violence happens in homes, camps, and conflict zones. Child marriage destroys the lives of nearly half of all Somali girls. There is no effective law, no functioning police response, and no court system that delivers justice for women.

For asylum decision-makers, the conclusion is unavoidable. Somali women who face gender-based violence cannot get protection in their own country. The state has failed completely. Internal relocation does not solve the problem because GBV is present in every region and every community. Somalia gender violence represents one of the clearest cases of gender-based persecution in the world. Every asylum claim from a Somali woman must be assessed with this reality in mind.