Religious Minorities Targeted in Ethiopia’s Internal Conflicts

Ethiopia religious persecution has intensified dramatically since 2020, as the country's overlapping internal conflicts have increasingly targeted communities based on their faith. From the destruction of ancient Orthodox churches in Tigray to the demolition of mosques in Oromia, religious minorities across Ethiopia face violence, displacement, and systematic marginalization. Armed groups, regional security forces, and political actors exploit religious identity as a tool for mobilization and territorial control. Consequently, millions of Ethiopians now live under threat not only because of their ethnicity but also because of how and where they worship.[1]

Ethiopia's Religious Landscape

Ethiopia is one of Africa's most religiously diverse nations, and this diversity is central to understanding the current crisis. According to the most recent government census and updated estimates, approximately 40% of Ethiopians belong to the Ethiopian Orthodox Tewahedo Church (EOTC), making it the largest single religious group. Around 34% identify as Sunni Muslim, while roughly 22% are Protestant, including evangelical and Pentecostal denominations. Smaller communities of Catholics, adherents of traditional faiths, and other groups account for the remainder.[2]

Importantly, religious identity in Ethiopia often intersects with ethnicity and geography. Orthodox Christians predominate in the northern regions of Tigray (over 95%) and Amhara (over 82%). Muslims form the majority in the Somali region, Afar, and parts of eastern Oromia. Protestants are concentrated in the Southern Nations, Nationalities, and Peoples' Region (SNNPR) and western Oromia. As a result, armed conflicts in specific regions frequently affect particular religious communities disproportionately, even when the root causes are primarily political or ethnic.

For centuries, Ethiopia maintained a notable tradition of interfaith coexistence. However, this tradition has eroded under the pressures of political competition, resource scarcity, and armed conflict. The country expert analysis on Ethiopia highlights how religion has become weaponized in the broader political crisis. Furthermore, political actors manipulate religious tensions to consolidate power, turning communities that once coexisted peacefully against one another.

Religious Targeting in Armed Conflicts

Ethiopia's multiple armed conflicts since 2020 have produced a disturbing pattern of religiously targeted violence. Although these conflicts are primarily rooted in ethnic and political grievances, armed actors on all sides have deliberately attacked religious sites, clergy, and worshippers. This targeting serves both strategic and symbolic purposes: destroying sacred places demoralizes communities, while violence against religious leaders eliminates voices of moderation and peace.[3]

Armed groups have attacked religious institutions and clergy as part of a broader strategy to displace populations and consolidate control over territory. The destruction of churches and mosques is not collateral damage but a deliberate tactic of war.

-- Human Rights Watch, Joint Submission to the Universal Periodic Review on Ethiopia, May 2024

The pattern varies by region but follows a consistent logic. In Tigray, Eritrean and Amhara forces targeted Orthodox churches and monasteries during the 2020-2022 war. In Oromia, the Oromo Liberation Army (OLA) has been accused of attacking Orthodox Christian communities, while government forces have demolished mosques. In the Amhara region, ongoing conflict since 2023 has further destabilized religious institutions. Additionally, al-Shabaab's 2022 cross-border incursion from Somalia into Ethiopia's Somali region introduced an explicitly jihadist dimension to the threat landscape.[4]

Table 1: Regional breakdown of religiously targeted violence in Ethiopia's armed conflicts (2020-2025).

Persecution of Orthodox Christians

The Ethiopian Orthodox Tewahedo Church, one of the oldest Christian institutions in the world, has faced unprecedented threats during the recent period of conflict. Orthodox Christians have been targeted by multiple actors across several regions, and the church as an institution has come under direct political pressure from the federal government. These developments represent a serious escalation in the persecution of Ethiopia's largest religious community.

Violence in Tigray and Oromia

During the Tigray War (2020-2022), Eritrean and allied forces carried out attacks on Orthodox churches and monasteries that held deep historical and spiritual significance. The massacre at the Church of Our Lady Mary of Zion in Axum, believed by Ethiopian Orthodox Christians to house the Ark of the Covenant, drew international condemnation. Similarly, at Maryam Dengelat monastery, soldiers reportedly executed worshippers during a religious service. These attacks were not incidental; they struck at the spiritual heart of Tigrayan Orthodox identity.[5]

In Oromia, the situation has been equally alarming. In February 2024, four Orthodox priests were killed by armed groups at the historic Zequala monastery. Furthermore, in December 2023, at least 45 Orthodox believers were killed in two separate attacks in Arsi and Kellem Wollega Zones. By 2025, armed groups had burned, demolished, or looted at least 25 churches across the Oromia region and parts of Amhara. These attacks follow a consistent pattern of targeting Orthodox communities in ethnically mixed or contested areas.

The 2023 Church Schism and Government Interference

Beyond physical violence, Orthodox Christians have faced a direct institutional threat. In January 2023, a breakaway group established the "Holy Synod of Oromia Nations and Nationalities" (HSONN), appointing 26 bishops without recognition from the official Holy Synod. The EOTC accused the federal government of orchestrating the split to weaken the church's political influence. When Orthodox parishioners in Shashemene attempted to prevent the seizure of their church by HSONN members, Oromia regional security forces opened fire, killing eight people.[6]

Security forces shot the parishioners as they were trying to prevent the church from being seized by members of a splinter group. Investigators from the Ethiopian Human Rights Commission confirmed that eight individuals were killed and determined police used 'excessive force.'

-- U.S. State Department, 2023 International Religious Freedom Report: Ethiopia

Although mediation by Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed led to a temporary agreement, tensions persisted. In February 2024, the church's Holy Synod secretary was denied entry into Ethiopia at Bole Airport in Addis Ababa. Additionally, multiple government agencies suspended employees who wore black clothing during the Nineveh fast in January 2023, following the EOTC's call for mourning. These actions demonstrate a pattern of government interference in Orthodox Church affairs that goes well beyond the conflict zones. For more context on religious freedom concerns in the East African region, expert analysis highlights similar patterns across neighboring countries.

Targeting of Muslim Communities

While Orthodox Christians face the most widespread geographic targeting, Ethiopia's Muslim communities have also experienced severe persecution. This is particularly evident in the Oromia region, where government-led demolitions of mosques have provoked mass protests and lethal crackdowns. Muslim minorities in other regions face additional threats from armed groups and discriminatory practices.

Mosque Demolitions in Oromia

In May 2023, the Oromia regional government demolished approximately 20 mosques in the newly established Sheger City development zone, along with numerous residences, claiming the structures were illegal constructions. These demolitions took place during the holy month of Ramadan, which many Muslims viewed as a deliberate provocation. The Ethiopian Islamic Affairs Supreme Council (EIASC) appealed directly to Prime Minister Abiy after the Oromia regional government refused to hear its grievances. Nevertheless, demolitions continued.[7]

When Muslim worshippers gathered for protest after Friday prayers on May 26, 2023, police opened fire, killing two people and injuring dozens. This response mirrored the excessive force used against Orthodox Christians in Shashemene months earlier, suggesting a broader government pattern of violent suppression of religious communities that resist state authority. The broader regional context of persecution in East Africa shows that religious targeting often intersects with other forms of discrimination.

Muslims in Conflict Zones

In the Amhara region, Muslim minorities have faced targeted attacks during the ongoing conflict between Fano militias and Ethiopian National Defense Forces. Mosques have been damaged or destroyed in areas where fighting is most intense. Moreover, in the Somali region, moderate Muslims face threats from al-Shabaab, which launched its largest-ever operation outside Somalia in July 2022. An estimated 2,000 al-Shabaab fighters penetrated up to 150 kilometers into Ethiopia's Ogaden, targeting communities that do not conform to the group's extremist ideology.[8]

Al-Shabaab rejects democracy and seeks to establish an Islamic state under its version of Sharia law. Its 2022 incursion into Ethiopia represented a direct threat not only to Christians but also to the vast majority of Ethiopian Muslims who practice a moderate, Sufi-influenced form of Islam.

-- Council on Foreign Relations, Global Conflict Tracker: Al-Shabaab

Figure 1: Estimated documented incidents of attacks on religious sites, clergy, and worshippers by region, based on compiled reports from ACLED, Open Doors, and State Department data (2023-2025).

Legal Framework and Government Response

Ethiopia's 1995 Constitution contains strong protections for religious freedom on paper. Article 11 establishes the separation of religion and state, while Article 27 guarantees freedom of religion, belief, and opinion. The constitution prohibits religious discrimination and stipulates that the government shall not interfere in the practice of any religion. However, the gap between these constitutional guarantees and the lived reality of religious minorities has widened significantly in recent years.[9]

The federal government's response to religious persecution has been inconsistent and, in several documented cases, counterproductive. On one hand, Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed has publicly called for national unity and interfaith dialogue. On the other hand, government forces have directly participated in violence against religious communities. The Oromia regional government's demolition of mosques and the security forces' killing of Orthodox worshippers in Shashemene both illustrate how state actors have become perpetrators rather than protectors.

Additionally, the Ethiopian Human Rights Commission (EHRC), a government-affiliated body, has investigated some incidents and confirmed the use of excessive force against religious communities. However, accountability remains elusive. No senior officials have faced prosecution for the Shashemene killings, the mosque demolitions, or the church attacks in Oromia. This impunity reinforces the cycle of violence and signals to armed actors that targeting religious communities carries no consequences. International observers, including the analysis of neighboring Eritrea's human rights record, note similar patterns of constitutional protections undermined by authoritarian governance.

Implications for Asylum Claims

The documented pattern of religious persecution in Ethiopia carries significant implications for asylum claims filed by Ethiopian nationals abroad. Several key factors strengthen religious persecution-based claims, and legal practitioners should consider the following dimensions when evaluating such cases.

Establishing a Well-Founded Fear of Persecution

Asylum seekers from Ethiopia can draw on substantial evidence to establish a well-founded fear of persecution based on religion. The U.S. State Department's International Religious Freedom Reports, Open Doors' annual assessments, and reports from Human Rights Watch and Amnesty International all document systematic patterns of religiously targeted violence. Ethiopia's ranking at number 33 on the 2025 World Watch List, with a persecution score of 70 (classified as "very high"), provides additional evidentiary support.[10]

Crucially, the evidence shows that no single religious group is safe across all of Ethiopia. Orthodox Christians face targeting in Oromia and parts of Tigray. Muslims face persecution in Oromia through state-led demolitions and in the Somali region through al-Shabaab threats. Protestants face hostility at the community level and pressure from the historically dominant Orthodox establishment. This means that internal relocation within Ethiopia may not provide a viable alternative to international protection, particularly for individuals from mixed-religion or contested areas.

Key Evidentiary Considerations

• Region-specific analysis is essential, as the nature and source of persecution vary significantly by geographic area
• Intersectionality of ethnicity and religion should be examined, since religious targeting often overlaps with ethnic persecution
• Government complicity in religious violence, including the Shashemene killings and mosque demolitions, undermines the argument that the state can provide adequate protection
• Ongoing armed conflicts in Oromia and Amhara mean that country conditions remain volatile and unpredictable
• The 2023 church schism created a new category of at-risk individuals: Orthodox clergy and laypersons who resisted the government-backed breakaway synod

For comprehensive expert witness analysis on Ethiopia, including region-specific assessments and individualized risk evaluations, legal practitioners can obtain detailed country expert reports that address these dimensions in the context of specific asylum claims.

Conclusion

Ethiopia's religious persecution crisis is both a symptom and an accelerant of the country's broader political and ethnic fragmentation. The destruction of churches and mosques, the killing of clergy and worshippers, and the government's direct participation in religious violence all represent severe violations of fundamental human rights. Moreover, the interplay between religious, ethnic, and political identity means that persecution based on faith cannot be separated from the wider conflict dynamics.

The international community must respond with urgency. Accountability mechanisms should investigate attacks on religious sites, with perpetrators prosecuted regardless of their affiliation. Humanitarian access to displaced religious communities must be prioritized. Furthermore, any future peace process must explicitly address religious freedom as a non-negotiable component of a sustainable settlement. Until Ethiopia's government demonstrates a genuine commitment to protecting all religious communities, the country's fragile social fabric will continue to unravel, driving displacement, instability, and asylum claims for years to come.