Journalists Harassed and Silenced Under State Pressure in Pakistan

Last updated: 5 October 2026

Photo: Pakistan - Let the people (and not the CIA and ISI) decide - Alisdare Hickson

Journalists silenced in Pakistan face a growing crisis that threatens the very foundation of democratic society. Across the country, reporters, editors, and media workers encounter a hostile environment shaped by state surveillance, legal threats, enforced disappearances, and physical violence. The Pakistani authorities, military establishment, and intelligence agencies have built a multi-layered system of control over the media. This system operates through formal regulations, informal pressure, and outright coercion. For those who dare to report on sensitive topics—military operations, political corruption, Balochistan, or enforced disappearances—the consequences can be severe and life-altering.[1]

The scale of this crisis demands urgent attention from the international community, legal practitioners, and asylum adjudicators. Pakistan consistently ranks among the most dangerous countries for journalists worldwide. This article examines the patterns of harassment and silencing, the legal framework that enables abuse, and what this means for those seeking international protection.

Background: A History of Media Control in Pakistan

Pakistan's media landscape has always been shaped by the tension between civilian governance and military power. From the country's earliest decades, successive military regimes imposed direct censorship on newspapers, radio, and television. General Zia ul-Haq's martial law era (1977–1988) was particularly devastating for press freedom. Journalists faced flogging, imprisonment, and publication bans.[2]

The early 2000s brought a period of relative media expansion under General Pervez Musharraf, who paradoxically liberalised broadcast licensing while simultaneously cracking down on critical voices. Private television channels proliferated. However, this expansion did not translate into genuine editorial independence. The military's Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI) directorate maintained firm control over media narratives on national security issues.[3]

Since 2018, the environment has worsened dramatically. Pakistan's human rights trajectory reflects a broader authoritarian turn. The Pakistan Electronic Media Regulatory Authority (PEMRA) has been weaponised as a tool of censorship. Internet shutdowns have become routine. Social media platforms face blocks and content removal orders. Meanwhile, journalists who cross invisible "red lines" drawn by the military establishment face coordinated campaigns of intimidation.

Pakistan is one of the deadliest countries in the world for journalists, with a pervasive climate of fear and self-censorship that undermines the public's right to information.Reporters Without Borders (RSF), 2025 World Press Freedom Index

Current Situation: Escalating Threats Against Journalists

The current situation for journalists in Pakistan is dire. Multiple credible sources document a sharp increase in attacks, legal harassment, and digital surveillance targeting media workers since 2022. The Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ) recorded Pakistan among the top ten worst jailers of journalists globally in both 2024 and 2025.[4]

Physical violence remains a persistent threat. Reporters covering protests, political opposition activities, or military operations in Balochistan and the former Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA) face the greatest risks. In many cases, attackers are never identified. In others, evidence points directly to state security forces or their proxies.

Digital surveillance has emerged as a major concern. An investigation by Amnesty International in 2023 revealed that Pakistani journalists were targeted with Pegasus-like spyware on their mobile devices. This surveillance allows security agencies to monitor private communications, sources, and unpublished stories. Consequently, journalists report widespread self-censorship as the only survival strategy.[5]

Furthermore, social media has become a new battleground. Journalists who post critical commentary on X (formerly Twitter), Facebook, or YouTube face coordinated trolling campaigns. These campaigns involve threats of sexual violence against female journalists, doxing, and fabricated blasphemy accusations. The Federal Investigation Agency (FIA) routinely summons journalists under the Prevention of Electronic Crimes Act (PECA) 2016 for social media posts.[6]

Specific Violations and Patterns of Silencing

The methods used to silence journalists in Pakistan follow recognisable patterns. Understanding these patterns is essential for expert witness assessments in asylum proceedings. Five primary mechanisms operate simultaneously.

1. Enforced Disappearances and Extrajudicial Detention

Enforced disappearances remain one of the most chilling tools of media repression. The Commission of Inquiry on Enforced Disappearances, a body established by Pakistan's own government, has acknowledged thousands of unresolved cases. Journalists constitute a significant portion of those disappeared. Victims are typically held incommunicado by intelligence agencies in undisclosed locations. They face interrogation, torture, and pressure to reveal sources.[7]

Notable cases include Matiullah Jan, a senior journalist abducted in broad daylight in Islamabad in 2020 by men in unmarked vehicles. He was released after widespread public outcry. Others have not been so fortunate. Many disappeared journalists are returned weeks or months later, visibly traumatised and unwilling to speak about their ordeal.

2. Targeted Killings with Impunity

Pakistan's record on journalist killings is staggering. CPJ's Global Impunity Index consistently ranks Pakistan among the worst countries for unsolved journalist murders. Since 2000, at least 64 journalists have been killed in connection with their work. In 91% of cases, the perpetrators have never been brought to justice.[8]

This near-total impunity sends a clear message. Killing a journalist carries no legal consequences. Accordingly, it functions as the ultimate deterrent against critical reporting.

3. Legal Harassment and Weaponised Legislation

The state uses an arsenal of laws to prosecute journalists. Sedition charges under Section 124-A of the Pakistan Penal Code carry potential life imprisonment. The Anti-Terrorism Act 1997 has been deployed against journalists covering protest movements. PECA 2016, particularly Sections 20 and 24, criminalises online speech with penalties of up to three years' imprisonment.[9]

In 2023, amendments to PECA expanded the definition of "fake news" and increased penalties. Critics, including Human Rights Watch, condemned these amendments as tools for silencing dissent rather than combating misinformation. The law grants the Pakistan Telecommunication Authority (PTA) sweeping powers to block content and order the removal of online material without judicial oversight.[10]

4. Economic Pressure and Advertising Boycotts

The Pakistani state controls a massive advertising budget. Government advertising constitutes a major revenue stream for media organisations. Outlets that publish critical reporting face advertising blackouts. This economic weapon is highly effective. Without government advertising revenue, many media houses cannot survive financially. Therefore, editorial decisions are shaped by economic survival rather than public interest.

Additionally, journalists at outlets that lose government favour face salary cuts, layoffs, and closure of their publications. The Jang/Geo media group experienced this pressure repeatedly. Individual journalists also face economic targeting through tax audits, frozen bank accounts, and property disputes initiated by state actors.[11]

5. Online Harassment and Gender-Based Violence

Female journalists face a particularly hostile environment. A 2023 survey by the Coalition for Women in Journalism found that 73% of Pakistani women journalists experienced online harassment. This harassment includes rape threats, morphed images, and threats against family members. State-linked social media accounts often amplify these campaigns. As a result, many women journalists have left the profession entirely.[12]

The online attacks against women journalists in Pakistan are not random. They are organised, systematic, and designed to drive women out of public discourse.Amnesty International, Troll Patrol Pakistan Report, 2023

Legal Framework Governing Media in Pakistan

Pakistan's constitutional and statutory framework presents a contradictory picture. Article 19 of the Constitution of Pakistan guarantees freedom of speech and expression, including freedom of the press. However, this right is subject to "reasonable restrictions" imposed by law in the interest of the "glory of Islam," state integrity, public order, decency, and morality. These broad exception clauses provide the legal basis for extensive censorship.[13]

Several laws directly impact freedom of expression for journalists in Pakistan.

PEMRA plays a central role in broadcast media control. Under Section 27 of the PEMRA Ordinance 2002, the authority can suspend broadcast licences. Under Section 29, it can prohibit broadcasts that are "against the ideology of Pakistan." In practice, PEMRA has issued hundreds of notices and fines to channels that air coverage deemed critical of the military or government. These regulatory actions create a chilling effect across the entire broadcast sector.[14]

Moreover, the Prevention of Electronic Crimes Act 2016 has become the primary tool for suppressing digital journalism. Section 20 criminalises content deemed harmful to the "reputation" of any person. Section 37 grants the PTA authority to block or remove any online content. The 2023 amendments introduced a new offence of spreading "fake news," defined so broadly that virtually any critical reporting could qualify. The International Commission of Jurists has described PECA as fundamentally incompatible with international human rights standards.[15]

Implications for Asylum Claims and International Protection

The systematic persecution of journalists in Pakistan carries significant implications for asylum and international protection claims. Decision-makers in the United Kingdom, European Union, United States, Canada, and Australia regularly encounter claims from Pakistani journalists and media workers. Understanding the risk profile is critical for fair adjudication.

Under the 1951 Refugee Convention, a journalist fleeing Pakistan may establish a well-founded fear of persecution on multiple grounds. These include political opinion (actual or imputed), membership of a particular social group (journalists as a professional group at risk), and, in some cases, religion (where blasphemy accusations are involved).[16]

Risk Factors for Pakistani Journalists

Several factors elevate the risk profile for individual journalists seeking protection. First, the subject matter of their reporting matters significantly. Those who have covered military operations in Balochistan, enforced disappearances, corruption within the military establishment, or the activities of intelligence agencies face the highest risk. Second, the platform matters. Television journalists with high public profiles face targeted attacks. However, regional and local journalists in provinces such as Balochistan, Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, and Sindh are disproportionately killed.[17]

Third, journalists associated with specific political movements or parties face compounded risk. Following the events of May 2023, when supporters of Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI) clashed with the military, journalists perceived as sympathetic to PTI have faced arrests, sedition charges, and enforced disappearances. The crackdown on PTI-aligned media has been described by Freedom House as the most severe assault on press freedom in Pakistan's recent history.[18]

Internal Relocation: Not a Viable Alternative

A critical issue in asylum assessments is whether internal relocation offers a reasonable alternative to international protection. For Pakistani journalists targeted by state actors, internal relocation is generally not viable. The reach of the ISI and military intelligence extends across the entire country. Pakistan's biometric national identity system (NADRA) allows state agencies to track individuals across provinces. Furthermore, journalists who have been publicly identified face recognition risks in any urban area.[19]

Expert witness reports from The Human Rights consistently document that state-level persecution in Pakistan cannot be escaped through internal relocation. The centralised nature of Pakistan's security apparatus means that an individual flagged by one agency can be located and targeted anywhere within national borders.

Where the agent of persecution is the State itself, or a state-affiliated actor with nationwide reach, internal relocation does not provide a reasonable or durable alternative to international protection.UNHCR, Guidelines on International Protection: Internal Flight or Relocation Alternative, 2003

The Role of Expert Evidence

In asylum claims involving Pakistani journalists, country expert evidence is often decisive. Expert witnesses can contextualise the claimant's individual circumstances within the broader pattern of persecution. They can explain the role of invisible "red lines" in Pakistani media, the functioning of intelligence agencies, and the inadequacy of domestic protection mechanisms. Tribunal and court decisions in the UK, including determinations by the Upper Tribunal (Immigration and Asylum Chamber), have relied on such expert evidence when assessing risk on return.[20]

Conclusion

The systematic harassment and silencing of journalists in Pakistan represents one of the most entrenched press freedom crises in the world. State actors—particularly the military establishment and intelligence agencies—employ a comprehensive toolkit of repression. This toolkit ranges from legal harassment and economic pressure to enforced disappearances, digital surveillance, and targeted killings. Near-total impunity for violence against journalists ensures that these methods remain effective deterrents.

For asylum decision-makers, the evidence is clear. Pakistani journalists who have crossed the invisible red lines face a real and serious risk of persecution. The domestic legal framework offers inadequate protection. Internal relocation is not a viable alternative when the agent of persecution is the state itself. International protection remains the only meaningful safeguard for journalists who have been identified, threatened, or targeted by Pakistani state actors.

The international community must increase pressure on Pakistan to reform its media laws, dismantle the architecture of censorship, and end impunity for violence against journalists. Until that happens, the crisis will continue. And those who have already been targeted will continue to need the protection that the international refugee system was designed to provide.