Pakistan's Honour Killing Reform of 2016: Has It Changed Anything?

Last updated: 15 October 2026

Photo: Pakistan Disaster Relief - DVIDSHUB

The Pakistan honour reform of 2016 was passed after the murder of social media star Qandeel Baloch by her own brother. The new law promised to close the long-standing legal loophole that let families forgive killers in the name of "honour." Almost ten years later, the question is simple: has the Pakistan honour reform changed anything? The short answer is that the law on paper looks strong, but in real life, women still die at the hands of fathers, brothers, husbands, and cousins. Police, prosecutors, and rural courts still find ways to let the killers go free. For asylum decision-makers and expert witnesses, the gap between law and practice is a key issue when reviewing cases of women fleeing Pakistan.

This report explains the law before 2016, what changed in 2016, what did not change, and what the data show today. It draws on the Human Rights Commission of Pakistan (HRCP), Aurat Foundation, the Pakistan Bureau of Statistics, Human Rights Watch, Amnesty International, and reports of the UN Special Rapporteur on Violence against Women. For more on Pakistan country background, see our country reports.

The Murder That Forced Reform

Qandeel Baloch was a 26-year-old social media star. She posted videos that broke many social rules in Pakistan. In July 2016, her brother Muhammad Waseem strangled her in their family home in Multan. He told reporters that he killed her for "honour." His confession was on camera. Many Pakistanis were shocked. International media picked up the story. The case became a turning point.[1]

Within three months, Pakistan's parliament passed the Pakistan honour reform — the Criminal Law (Amendment) (Offences in the Name or Pretext of Honour) Act 2016. Lawmakers said the law would end the legal trick that let families pardon their own male relatives after honour murders. Women's groups welcomed the change but warned that the real test would be enforcement.

The Law Before 2016: Qisas and Diyat

To understand the Pakistan honour reform, we must first look at the older system. Under the Pakistan Penal Code (PPC) sections 299-338 (the Qisas and Diyat Ordinance, 1990), murder was a "compoundable" offence. This meant that the family of the victim could "forgive" the killer. Forgiveness could be free (afw) or in exchange for blood money (diyat). In honour killings, the killer was almost always a close male relative of the victim. Mother, father, or other family members could legally pardon the killer. This made most honour killers walk free.[2]

For example, if a brother killed his sister, the parents could pardon him. They were the legal heirs (wali) of the victim. Once they pardoned, the case was closed. No prison sentence followed. Even where police filed a strong case, the courts had to accept the family pardon. This was not just a loophole. It was a system that turned the criminal courts into a private family matter.[3]

What the 2016 Reform Did

The Anti-Honour Killings Amendment Act 2016 made several important changes. The main change was that the family could no longer forgive a killer in honour cases. Even if the family pardoned the killer, the court still had to give a mandatory sentence. The minimum sentence is "imprisonment for life" — in Pakistan, this means 25 years.[4]

The Act amended PPC Section 311. Section 311 already said that, even after forgiveness, the court could give a sentence on the ground of "fasad-fil-arz" (mischief on earth). The 2016 reform made this duty mandatory in honour cases, not optional. The law also clarified the definition of an honour killing in PPC Section 299. An honour killing now means killing a person on the "pretext" of honour, including for marriage choice, divorce, or alleged immoral behaviour.[5]

On paper, the changes were strong. The reform also extended to attacks short of murder, such as serious injury (qatl shibh-i-amd or hurt). Activists hoped that the law would change behaviour over time. But the design of the reform left several gaps that police and judges have used to keep convictions low.

What Changed on Paper

The Pakistan honour reform of 2016 produced clear improvements in the formal law. The most important changes are summarised below.

• End of family pardon for honour murders. Family members can no longer forgive the killer in a way that wipes out the sentence.
• Mandatory life imprisonment. Where the court finds an honour murder, it must give at least 25 years in prison.
• Wider definition. The law includes killings on a "pretext" of honour, not only those described as honour by the killer.
• Extends to serious injury. Acid attacks, beatings, and serious wounds linked to honour are also covered.
• Forensic and medical evidence becomes more important, because the court has to make findings even without a complainant family.

What Did Not Change in Practice

Eight years on, women's rights groups and lawyers report that the practice of honour killings continues at almost the same level. Several patterns explain why the Pakistan honour reform has not closed the gap between law and practice.

Police Classify Cases as "General Murder"

The most important problem is how the police register the case. Police can record the killing as a normal murder under PPC Section 302, instead of an honour killing under Section 311. If the case is recorded as a general murder, the family can still pardon the killer. The law's "honour" provisions only apply when the case is officially marked as an honour killing. Many police stations, under family or community pressure, choose the easier route.[6]

Family Pressure on the First Information Report

The First Information Report (FIR) is the first record of the crime. Often the only witnesses are family members. The family who killed the victim will often try to control the FIR. Sometimes the same family members are both killers and complainants. They may say it was a robbery, a suicide, or an accident. Without independent investigation, police accept the family version.[7]

Jirgas and Panchayats

In rural Pakistan, informal councils called jirgas (in Pashtun areas) and panchayats (in Punjab and Sindh) often "settle" honour cases. They decide compensation, exchange of women in marriage (vani, swara), or other "remedies." The Supreme Court has banned such councils from criminal matters, but they continue to operate. Many police accept jirga decisions in practice.[8]

Weak Rural Enforcement

In remote parts of Balochistan, southern Punjab, interior Sindh, and Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, police are under-resourced and often related to local powerful families. Investigations are slow or poor. Forensic evidence is rarely used. Witnesses are afraid. The result is that cases collapse before trial.

Court Delays

Even when the police do their work, court cases drag on for years. Pakistan's courts are crowded. Witnesses lose interest. Some cases end in acquittal because the family who registered the FIR no longer wants to testify.

Data: Reported Honour Killings Before and After 2016

The Human Rights Commission of Pakistan has tracked honour killing reports for many years. The data show that the number of reported cases has not fallen sharply since 2016. The numbers also show wide year-to-year change, partly because reporting depends on media coverage. Many killings in remote areas are never reported.

Recent Femicides Show the Problem Continues

Cases since the Pakistan honour reform show that the law has not protected women. A few examples illustrate the wide range of cases.

Mahnoor and Aleena (Kohistan, 2023). Two teenage girls were killed in the Kohistan region after a video showed them clapping at a wedding. Local jirga members ordered the killings. The case echoed the 2012 Kohistan case in which several women were also killed for similar reasons. The 2023 case showed that jirgas still order killings ten years on.[9]

The Spanish citizens case (Gujrat, 2022). Two sisters who held Spanish citizenship returned to Pakistan after their family pressured them to come for marriage. After the women refused to live with their husbands, family members killed both of them. The case showed that even women who had spent years abroad were not safe upon return.[10]

Sania Khan (transnational, 2022). A Pakistani-American photographer was killed by her former husband in Chicago. The husband had pressured her under "honour" rules after she filed for divorce. Although the killing took place abroad, the case showed how honour pressure follows women across borders.

TikTok-related murders (2021-2024). Several women have been killed by relatives because of TikTok or social media videos. Cases were reported from Sialkot, Faisalabad, Karachi, and Lahore. Many killers were brothers or husbands. Most cases ended in acquittal or in pardon under "general murder" charges.[11]

Despite the legal reform of 2016, honour-based violence remains a daily reality for women in Pakistan. The state has failed to bring offenders to justice. Police continue to register cases as ordinary murder, jirgas continue to issue verdicts, and rural courts move slowly. Women who fear honour-based harm cannot rely on state protection.
Human Rights Commission of Pakistan, State of Human Rights in Pakistan: Annual Report 2024

Why the Reform Failed to Deliver

Several structural problems explain why the Pakistan honour reform has not changed daily life. First, the reform did not reform the police. Investigation quality is low. Forensic services are poor in rural areas. Police officers are not trained on the new law. Second, the law still depends on registration as an honour case. As long as that decision lies with the local police station, family pressure can change the outcome. Third, the parallel structures of jirgas and panchayats remain strong. The state has not closed them. Fourth, women's economic and social position has not improved enough to give victims a real chance to escape before violence occurs.[12]

The Federal Investigation Agency does not handle honour killings. Provincial police forces vary in capacity. Punjab has set up some women police stations and Special Protection Units, but their reach is limited. Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, Balochistan, and rural Sindh have far fewer support services. NGOs such as Aurat Foundation, Shirkat Gah, and Bedari fill some of the gap, but they cannot replace state action.[13]

Implications for Asylum Cases

For asylum cases, the Pakistan honour reform raises an important issue: state protection. Refugee law requires that a person facing harm has no real protection in their own country. Decision-makers sometimes argue that, because Pakistan now has a strong honour law, the state offers protection. The data and reports above show that this argument is weak.[14]

Women fleeing forced marriage, threats of honour killing, divorce-related violence, or attacks because of "love marriage" cannot rely on the police, the courts, or the formal law. Internal relocation in Pakistan also rarely works. Women who move to large cities often remain traceable by extended family. Family networks, mobile phones, and ID-card databases all make hiding difficult. Single women without male family support face serious housing and employment problems. For more on this, see our asylum guide.

The 2016 reform may even produce a false sense of safety. A judge or caseworker who reads only the text of PPC Section 311 may believe Pakistan is safe for women. Country evidence — HRCP, Aurat Foundation, UN Special Rapporteur reports — must be presented to show the gap between law and practice. Expert witness reports can play a key role in showing this gap.

Whether the 2016 reform protects a client in practice is a question our Pakistan country expert witness reports answer with case-specific evidence.

Conclusion

The Pakistan honour reform of 2016 was a real legal change. It removed the legal pardon that had let killers walk free for decades. It set a mandatory life sentence. It defined honour-based violence in clear terms. But almost ten years on, women continue to die in numbers that look much like the years before the reform. Police, prosecutors, jirgas, and rural courts still act as before. Conviction rates remain very low. Cases that catch international attention sometimes lead to convictions, but most cases vanish quietly.

For asylum decision-makers, the lesson is that legal reform alone does not equal protection. The Pakistan honour reform shows how a state can pass a strong law and still fail to protect women. Women fleeing honour-based violence in Pakistan continue to face a real risk of death or serious injury. The 2016 amendment did not change that reality. Human rights assessments of Pakistan should treat the reform as a partial step, not as a solution.