Human Rights in Eritrea: Analytical Report 2025-2026

Last updated: 7 October 2026

Photo: Patriotic Mural - David Stanley

Eritrea human rights conditions remain among the worst in the world. The country has been ruled by one leader, President Isaias Afwerki, since independence in 1993. There are no elections, no free press, and no functioning courts. The government forces almost every adult into indefinite military service that the United Nations has called a form of modern slavery. Hundreds of thousands of Eritreans have fled the country, making Eritrea one of the largest sources of refugees in Africa. This analytical report examines Eritrea human rights across political, legal, and social dimensions. It is designed for asylum decision-makers, legal representatives, and expert witnesses working on Eritrean cases.

The report draws on evidence from the UN Commission of Inquiry on Human Rights in Eritrea, the UN Human Rights Council, Human Rights Watch, Amnesty International, and UNHCR. It covers the period through early 2026 and provides a comprehensive analysis relevant to asylum claims involving Eritrean nationals.

Executive Summary

Eritrea is one of the most closed and repressive states in the world. President Isaias Afwerki has led the country since 1993 without ever facing an election. The government operates as a one-party state under the People's Front for Democracy and Justice (PFDJ). There is no constitution in practice, no parliament, no independent judiciary, and no free media. Every aspect of life is controlled by the state. The most defining feature of Eritrean repression is its system of indefinite national service, which forces citizens into military or government work for decades. The UN Commission of Inquiry in 2016 found that this system amounts to enslavement and constitutes a crime against humanity.[1]

Citizens who try to escape are shot at the border. Those who make it out face being treated as traitors if they ever return. Religious groups outside the four recognized faiths face imprisonment and torture. Political dissidents disappear without trial. Journalists have been detained since 2001. As a result, Eritrea produces one of the highest rates of refugees per capita in the world. For asylum decision-makers, the evidence is clear: virtually all Eritreans who have left the country face a real risk of serious harm upon return.

Political Context: A State Without Elections

Eritrea gained independence from Ethiopia in 1993 after a 30-year war of liberation. Isaias Afwerki, who led the Eritrean People's Liberation Front (EPLF) during the war, became president. He has held power ever since. The country adopted a constitution in 1997, but the government never implemented it. No national elections have ever been held. The PFDJ is the only legal political party. All other political organizations are banned.[2]

The National Assembly, which was supposed to serve as parliament, last met in 2002. Since then, President Afwerki has ruled by decree. There are no checks on his power. He appoints all government officials, military commanders, and judges. There is no separation of powers. The country functions as a military dictatorship in all but name.

In September 2001, the government arrested 11 members of the so-called "G-15" group. These were senior government officials and former liberation war heroes who had written an open letter calling for democratic reforms and the implementation of the constitution. None of them have been seen since their arrest. They were never charged or brought to trial. Their fate remains unknown more than two decades later. At the same time, the government shut down all private media and arrested independent journalists. Several of those journalists remain in detention to this day.[3]

Eritrea is the only country in Africa — and one of the very few in the world — where there is no privately owned news media at all.
Committee to Protect Journalists, 2024 Prison Census

The 1998-2000 war with Ethiopia shaped the current political reality. The government used the war as justification to suspend the constitution, extend national service indefinitely, and silence all critics. Even though a peace agreement was signed in 2018, none of the emergency measures have been lifted. The government continues to justify total control over the population by pointing to external security threats.

Documented Human Rights Violations

Indefinite National Service

The national service system is the core instrument of state control in Eritrea. Under Proclamation 82/1995, all Eritrean citizens between the ages of 18 and 50 must serve. The law originally set the service period at 18 months. However, since the 1998 war with Ethiopia, the government has extended service indefinitely. Some conscripts have been serving for over 20 years. Service includes military duties, construction work, farming, and government administration. Pay is about $30 per month — far below any living wage. The UN Commission of Inquiry described this system as forced labour that amounts to enslavement.[4]

For a detailed examination of the national service system, see our dedicated report on Eritrea's indefinite conscription.

Arbitrary Detention and Torture

The Eritrean government detains people without charge and without trial. There is no habeas corpus — no legal process to challenge detention. Thousands of people are held in official prisons, military camps, and secret underground facilities. Many detainees do not know why they are being held. Their families often do not know where they are. Some have been in detention for over 20 years without ever seeing a judge.[5]

Torture is widespread and systematic. Common methods include tying detainees in painful positions for days (the "helicopter" position, where the hands and feet are tied together behind the back), beating with sticks and metal rods, withholding food and water, and confinement in underground cells or metal shipping containers in extreme heat. The UN Commission of Inquiry documented these practices in detail and found that torture is used routinely against detainees, national service evaders, and religious prisoners.[6]

Shoot-to-Kill Border Policy

Eritrea treats leaving the country without permission as a serious crime. Border guards have standing orders to shoot anyone trying to cross. UNHCR, Human Rights Watch, and the UN Commission have all documented this shoot-to-kill policy. The border with Ethiopia and Sudan is heavily militarized. Despite the risk, thousands of Eritreans attempt to cross every year because they see no other way to escape indefinite service and repression.[7]

No Religious Freedom

The government recognizes only four religious groups: the Eritrean Orthodox Tewahedo Church, the Roman Catholic Church, the Evangelical Lutheran Church, and Sunni Islam. All other religious groups are banned. Members of unregistered religions — especially Pentecostals, Jehovah's Witnesses, and other evangelical Christians — face arrest, torture, and indefinite detention. They are held in military camps and underground cells. They are forced to renounce their faith as a condition of release.[8]

Even the recognized churches are not truly free. In 2006, the government replaced the head of the Eritrean Orthodox Church, Patriarch Abune Antonios, after he protested government interference. He was placed under house arrest and died in 2022, never having been freed. This shows that the government demands total control over all institutions, including religious ones.

Persecution of Specific Groups

Draft Evaders and Deserters

Anyone who avoids or escapes national service faces severe punishment. Draft evaders are hunted by military police. If caught, they are detained in military camps and subjected to punishment including torture, forced labour, and extended service. Deserters — those who leave after being conscripted — face even harsher treatment. They may be imprisoned for years in underground cells. Their families are also punished: parents can be fined 50,000 Eritrean Nakfa (approximately $3,300) or detained until the evader surrenders.[9]

UNHCR considers that Eritreans who have evaded or deserted from national service are in need of international protection. This is because the punishment they face is disproportionate and amounts to persecution.

Unregistered Religious Groups

Members of Pentecostal and evangelical Christian churches are among the most persecuted groups in Eritrea. Hundreds are detained at any given time. They are held in military prisons such as Wi'a, Sawa, and Me'eter. Conditions are extremely harsh. Detainees are tortured to force them to sign papers renouncing their faith. Jehovah's Witnesses face particular hostility. After they refused to vote in the 1993 independence referendum and to perform military service, President Afwerki stripped them of their civil rights. Three Jehovah's Witnesses — Paulos Eyassu, Isaac Mogos, and Negede Teklemariam — have been in prison since September 1994, making them among the longest-held prisoners of conscience in the world.[10]

Journalists and Media Workers

Eritrea has no free press. All private media was shut down in September 2001. The only media that operates is state-owned. At least 16 journalists remain in detention, some since 2001. None have been charged or brought to trial. Several are believed to have died in custody, but the government refuses to confirm their fate. Reporters Without Borders consistently ranks Eritrea as one of the worst countries in the world for press freedom — it is regularly last or near last in the global index.[11]

Political Dissidents

Any form of political dissent is crushed immediately. The G-15 case from 2001 set the pattern: critics are arrested without warning, held without charge, and never seen again. Since then, no one inside Eritrea has publicly criticized the government. Eritreans in the diaspora who speak out also face threats. The government operates an extensive surveillance network abroad. Eritrean embassies collect a mandatory 2% income tax from diaspora members. Those who refuse to pay, or who participate in anti-government activities, face consequences when they try to access consular services or if family members remain in Eritrea.[12]

Kunama Ethnic Minority

The Kunama are a small ethnic group living primarily in western Eritrea, near the border with Ethiopia and Sudan. They have faced historical marginalization and land confiscation by the government. During the 1998-2000 war, many Kunama were accused of collaborating with Ethiopia and faced collective punishment. Thousands fled to refugee camps in Ethiopia. Those who remained face discrimination, restricted movement, and forced conscription. The Kunama are disproportionately affected by the shoot-to-kill border policy because of their proximity to the border.[13]

Legal Framework and the Absence of Justice

Eritrea's legal system exists mostly on paper. The 1997 Constitution was never implemented. The National Assembly has not met since 2002. The President rules by decree. There is no separation of powers between the executive, legislature, and judiciary. In practice, the military and security services make all important decisions.[14]

The judiciary is not independent. Judges are appointed by the President and can be removed at any time. Special Courts, which operate outside the regular judicial system, handle cases that the government considers sensitive. These courts have no right of appeal. Detainees brought before Special Courts have no right to legal representation. Many political and religious prisoners are held entirely outside the judicial system — they are never charged, never see a judge, and have no way to challenge their detention.

Key legislation used to control the population includes Proclamation 82/1995 (national service law), Proclamation 24/1992 (criminalizing illegal exit), and various unpublished presidential decrees. The lack of published laws and regulations means that citizens often do not know what is legal and what is not. This legal uncertainty is itself a tool of control — it keeps people afraid to act.[15]

Internal Displacement and Refugee Flows

Eritrea's population is estimated at only 3.5 million, yet over 700,000 Eritreans have become refugees. This is one of the highest refugee rates per capita in the world. The main destinations are Ethiopia, Sudan, and Europe. Many Eritreans also live in Israel, the Gulf states, and North America. The vast majority fled to escape indefinite national service, although persecution of religious groups and political dissidents also drives flight.[16]

The journey out of Eritrea is extremely dangerous. Many Eritreans travel through Sudan and Libya, where they face kidnapping, extortion, trafficking, and torture by criminal gangs. Thousands have died crossing the Mediterranean Sea. Despite these dangers, people continue to flee because the conditions inside Eritrea are so severe that they see no alternative.

The conflict in Tigray (2020-2022) had a severe impact on Eritrean refugees in Ethiopia. Eritrean forces participated in the war and attacked Eritrean refugee camps in Tigray, including Hitsats and Shimelba camps. Both camps were destroyed. Thousands of refugees were forcibly returned to Eritrea, where they faced detention and punishment. UNHCR documented these forced returns and condemned them as violations of the principle of non-refoulement.[17]

Eritrea's Military Involvement in Tigray

Eritrean military forces played a central role in the Tigray conflict from November 2020 to November 2022. Despite initial denials, the Eritrean government deployed thousands of troops into Tigray alongside Ethiopian federal forces. Eritrean soldiers committed widespread atrocities, including massacres of civilians at Axum, sexual violence used as a weapon of war, looting, and destruction of infrastructure. The UN Human Rights Council, Amnesty International, and Human Rights Watch all documented these crimes in detail.[18]

The Cessation of Hostilities Agreement signed in November 2022 between the Ethiopian federal government and the Tigrayan People's Liberation Front (TPLF) called for the withdrawal of Eritrean forces. However, as of 2025, reports indicate that Eritrean troops remain in parts of northern Ethiopia. This ongoing military deployment further strains the already overstretched Eritrean military and worsens conditions for conscripts.[19]

The Commission has found that systematic, widespread and gross human rights violations have been and are being committed in Eritrea. Many of these violations, including the practice of indefinite national service, amount to crimes against humanity.
UN Commission of Inquiry on Human Rights in Eritrea, 2016

International Response and Accountability

The international community has documented Eritrea's abuses extensively but has taken limited action. The UN Commission of Inquiry published detailed reports in 2015 and 2016, finding crimes against humanity. The Commission recommended that the situation be referred to the International Criminal Court (ICC). However, this referral has not happened because it would need to go through the UN Security Council, where some members have blocked action.[20]

The UN Human Rights Council appointed a Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Eritrea, but the government has refused all access. No UN human rights monitor has been allowed into the country for investigations. Eritrea does not cooperate with any UN human rights mechanism. It rejects all criticism as politically motivated interference. This complete lack of international access makes it extremely difficult to get updated information from inside the country, which is why country reports rely heavily on testimony from recent refugees.

Return Risk Assessment

Returning to Eritrea is extremely dangerous for virtually all categories of people. Draft evaders and deserters face guaranteed detention, torture, and re-conscription. People who left the country illegally face punishment as traitors. Members of unregistered religious groups face imprisonment. Anyone who has criticized the government from abroad is monitored through the embassy network and faces detention upon return.[21]

Internal relocation is not possible in Eritrea. The entire country is controlled by a single military government. There is no area where a person could live freely outside of state surveillance and control. Movement within the country requires permits. Anyone found without proper documentation is detained. Therefore, internal relocation cannot be considered a viable alternative to international protection.

Eritrean asylum claims have very high grant rates across Europe. In the UK, Germany, and the Netherlands, grant rates for Eritrean nationals have consistently been above 80%. The landmark UK case MST and Others (national service — risk categories) Eritrea CG [2008] UKAIT 00002 established country guidance that remains broadly applicable. The tribunal found that returned failed asylum seekers are at real risk on return because they will be perceived as having evaded national service and as having left the country illegally.[22]

Conclusion

Eritrea in 2025-2026 remains one of the most repressive states on earth. The government controls every aspect of life through indefinite conscription, total media censorship, religious persecution, and violent suppression of all dissent. The absence of any legal protections, any independent institutions, or any democratic processes means there is no prospect of improvement from within. Eritrea human rights conditions have not improved since the 2018 peace agreement with Ethiopia. If anything, the country's involvement in the Tigray conflict has made conditions worse.

For expert witnesses and asylum decision-makers, the evidence is overwhelming: Eritrean nationals who have left the country face serious harm upon return. The categories at risk include virtually the entire population of military age, all members of unregistered religions, all political dissidents, and anyone who left without permission. Internal relocation is not available. The state is both the persecutor and the only authority. Eritrea human rights conditions demand that asylum claims from Eritrean nationals are treated with the gravity they deserve.