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Human Rights Post-Soviet Region (CIS) Women's Rights

Georgia's DV Law Exists Since 2006 — Enforcement Is Almost Zero

Georgia's DV Law Exists Since 2006 — Enforcement Is Almost Zero

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Photo: Georgia - Gill M L

Georgia passed its Law on Domestic Violence in 2006. This was one of the first such laws in the post-Soviet region. On paper, it looked like real progress. However, nearly 20 years later, Georgia DV enforcement remains almost zero. Police rarely act on complaints. Courts issue restraining orders that nobody monitors. Women who report violence are told to go home and make peace with their husbands. The gap between law and reality in Georgia is one of the widest in Europe.[1]

This article examines why Georgia's domestic violence law fails in practice. It covers the legal framework, restraining order enforcement, GREVIO monitoring findings, femicide data, police culture, and systemic barriers. For asylum seekers from Georgia, this failure of state protection is directly relevant to claims based on gender-based violence. Our country reports section provides additional context on conditions in Georgia.

2006
Year Georgia passed its DV law
~8%
DV complaints leading to prosecution
25+
Women killed by partners/family (2021-2023)
5
Shelters for entire country (pop. 3.7M)

The Law on Paper: Georgia's DV Legal Framework

Georgia's Law on the Elimination of Domestic Violence, Protection and Assistance to Victims of Domestic Violence was adopted on 25 May 2006. It defined domestic violence for the first time in Georgian law. The law created a system of protective orders (restraining orders) and established the right of victims to receive state assistance. Since 2006, the law has been amended multiple times. Each amendment promised stronger protections.[2]

In 2012, Georgia added Article 126.1 to its Criminal Code. This made domestic violence a specific criminal offence for the first time. Before this change, police could only treat domestic violence as a general assault. The new article carried a penalty of up to one year in prison, or up to three years for aggravated cases. In 2017, Georgia introduced electronic monitoring provisions. This means that, in theory, courts can order abusers to wear electronic bracelets. However, these provisions are almost never used in practice.

Georgia also ratified the Council of Europe Convention on Preventing and Combating Violence against Women (the Istanbul Convention) in 2017. This was a significant step. The Istanbul Convention requires states to take comprehensive measures against domestic violence. It also creates a monitoring body called GREVIO, which evaluates whether countries actually follow through. Georgia's ratification raised expectations. However, implementation has fallen far short of what the Convention requires.

Restraining Orders: Issued but Not Enforced

The restraining order system is the main tool for protecting victims of domestic violence in Georgia. There are two types of orders. A police-issued protective order (known as a "restrictive order") can be issued immediately by police at the scene. A court-issued protective order provides longer-term protection. Both types can require the abuser to leave the shared home, stay away from the victim, and stop all contact.[3]

The problem is simple: nobody enforces these orders. Police issue the restraining order and then walk away. There is no systematic monitoring. No officer checks whether the abuser has returned. No alarm system alerts police if the abuser comes near the victim. The electronic monitoring bracelets that the 2017 law created are rarely used. In most cases, the piece of paper is the only thing standing between the victim and her abuser.

When an abuser violates a restraining order, the consequences are minimal. The first violation is an administrative offence. The fine is approximately 500 GEL (about $180 USD). Only a repeated violation within one year can lead to criminal charges. Even then, the maximum sentence is only one year in prison. In practice, judges often give suspended sentences or even lower fines. This means there is no real deterrent. Abusers quickly learn that the restraining order has no teeth.

Restraining Orders Issued vs. Violations Reported vs. Prosecutions (2020-2024)
Orders Issued

~13,500

13,500

Violations Reported

~3,800

3,800

Prosecuted

~1,100

1,100

Convicted

~540

540

Figure 1: Over a five-year period, only about 4% of restraining orders issued resulted in any conviction for violations. Sources: Public Defender of Georgia; Ministry of Internal Affairs annual reports.

Enforcement Indicators: A System That Fails at Every Level

The failure of Georgia DV enforcement is not limited to restraining orders. Every part of the system underperforms. The table below shows key indicators that measure how well the state protects victims of domestic violence.[4]

Indicator What It Should Be Reality in Georgia
Police response time Immediate dispatch to DV calls Delays of hours; some calls not recorded
Arrest at scene Abuser arrested when evidence is clear Police often leave without arresting
Restraining order monitoring Regular police checks on compliance Almost no monitoring after issuance
Electronic bracelets Used for high-risk abusers (since 2017) Rarely applied; no infrastructure
Prosecution rate Consistent prosecution of DV offences ~8% of reported cases prosecuted
Victim support services Shelters, legal aid, psychological support 5 shelters nationally; long waiting lists
Risk assessment tools Standard tools to assess danger to victim Introduced but inconsistently applied
Table 1: Key enforcement indicators in Georgia. The gap between legal requirements and actual practice is significant across all measures.

GREVIO Evaluation: Critical Findings

GREVIO is the Council of Europe body that monitors how countries implement the Istanbul Convention. In 2022, GREVIO published its baseline evaluation report on Georgia. The findings were deeply critical. GREVIO found that Georgia had made some progress on its legal framework. However, it identified serious failures in implementation across almost every area.[5]

GREVIO specifically criticised the police response to domestic violence. It found that police officers often try to reconcile victims with their abusers instead of treating the situation as a crime. Officers frequently fail to conduct risk assessments. They do not always issue protective orders even when the situation clearly requires one. GREVIO also found that prosecutors and judges show leniency towards perpetrators. Sentences are too low to act as a deterrent.

Furthermore, GREVIO noted that Georgia lacks enough shelters and support services for victims. The existing shelters are concentrated in cities. Women in rural areas have almost no access to safe housing. GREVIO also found that professionals working with victims, including police, prosecutors, judges, and social workers, do not receive adequate training on domestic violence dynamics.

GREVIO urges the Georgian authorities to take measures to ensure that law enforcement agencies respond to all forms of violence against women, including domestic violence, in an adequate and timely manner, and that the response is not limited to mediation or reconciliation.
GREVIO, Baseline Evaluation Report on Georgia, 2022

Georgia was given a long list of recommendations. These included improving police training, increasing the number of shelters, ensuring that electronic monitoring is actually used, and strengthening prosecution of DV offences. As of 2026, most of these recommendations remain unimplemented. The Committee of the Parties to the Istanbul Convention has repeatedly called on Georgia to take urgent action.

Femicide: Women Are Dying Despite New Laws

The most tragic measure of Georgia's enforcement failure is the number of women killed by their partners or family members. Femicide, which means the killing of a woman because of her gender, continues to happen in Georgia at alarming rates. Between 2014 and 2024, documented femicide cases have not decreased despite all the legal reforms.[6]

In many cases, the victims had previously reported violence to police. Some had obtained restraining orders. Some had gone to shelters and then returned home because the shelter stay was limited to three months. The pattern is clear: women seek help, the system fails them, and they are killed. The Public Defender of Georgia has repeatedly highlighted this pattern. NGOs like the Women's Fund in Georgia and the Georgian Young Lawyers' Association have documented specific cases where police inaction directly contributed to the victim's death.

Between 2021 and 2023, at least 25 women were killed by their current or former partners or family members in Georgia. In several documented cases, victims had previously contacted police or obtained restraining orders. The state's failure to enforce protection measures was a contributing factor in these deaths.

Police Culture: Reconciliation Over Protection

One of the biggest barriers to Georgia DV enforcement is police culture. Many police officers in Georgia still view domestic violence as a "family matter." They do not treat it as a serious crime. When officers arrive at a home where violence has occurred, they often try to calm both parties and encourage reconciliation. They tell the woman to forgive her husband. They tell the man to behave better. Then they leave.[7]

This approach is not just unhelpful. It is dangerous. Research consistently shows that domestic violence escalates over time. Each incident that goes unpunished makes the next incident more likely and more severe. By pushing reconciliation, police officers are effectively putting victims at greater risk. Additionally, when a woman sees that police do not take her complaint seriously, she is less likely to call for help next time. This creates a cycle of silence and escalation.

There is another serious problem. Some police officers are themselves perpetrators of domestic violence. The Ministry of Internal Affairs has acknowledged that DV complaints against serving police officers exist, but data on disciplinary action is not publicly available. When the people who are supposed to protect victims are also abusers, the system cannot function. Furthermore, in small towns and rural areas, police officers often know the abuser personally. Social connections make it even harder for officers to act professionally. They may see the abuser at church or at family gatherings. Taking action against him feels like a personal betrayal.

Systemic Barriers: Why Women Cannot Escape

Even when a woman in Georgia wants to leave an abusive relationship, the system makes it extremely difficult. There are only five shelters in the entire country. Georgia has a population of approximately 3.7 million people. These shelters are located in major cities. A woman in a rural area may need to travel for hours to reach one. There is no anonymous housing system. Once a woman enters a shelter, her abuser can often find out where she is.[8]

Economic dependence is another major barrier. Many Georgian women, especially in rural areas, do not have independent income. They depend on their husbands financially. Leaving the relationship means losing their home, their income, and often their social support network. Georgian society still puts strong pressure on women to keep families together. A woman who leaves her husband faces social stigma. Her own family may refuse to support her. They may tell her to go back.

Legal aid is limited. While victims of domestic violence have the right to free legal assistance, the number of lawyers available is far too small. Women often do not know their rights. They do not know that restraining orders exist. They do not know that domestic violence is a criminal offence. In rural areas, access to information is even worse. Women may not have internet access or may not be able to read Georgian legal documents. For more information on human rights conditions in the region, see our dedicated section.

Comparison: Albania Shows the Same Pattern

Georgia is not alone in this failure. Other countries in the region show strikingly similar patterns. Albania, for example, also has comprehensive domestic violence legislation. Albania ratified the Istanbul Convention in 2013. Like Georgia, Albania has restraining order provisions, criminal penalties for DV, and legal obligations to protect victims. And like Georgia, Albania's enforcement record is poor.[9]

In Albania, police also push reconciliation. Restraining orders are also poorly monitored. Shelters are also insufficient. The GREVIO evaluation of Albania found many of the same problems as in Georgia. This pattern suggests that the problem is not just about one country's political will. It reflects deeper structural issues across the post-Soviet and post-communist region, where patriarchal attitudes remain deeply embedded in state institutions. Understanding these regional patterns is important for asylum decision-makers who assess whether state protection is available.

What This Means for Asylum Claims

The failure of Georgia DV enforcement has direct implications for asylum claims based on gender-based violence. Under international refugee law, a person can qualify for protection if they face persecution and their home country is unable or unwilling to protect them. This is known as the "sufficiency of protection" test.[10]

In the UK, the Supreme Court in Horvath v Secretary of State for the Home Department established that state protection does not need to be perfect, but it must be reasonable. A state must show that it has a functioning system of protection that is willing and able to operate. The evidence from Georgia suggests that the system is not functioning. Laws exist, but they are not enforced. Police are present, but they push reconciliation instead of protection. Restraining orders are issued, but nobody monitors them.

For asylum applicants from Georgia who have experienced domestic violence, the key evidence includes: the documented failure of police to respond, the lack of effective enforcement of restraining orders, GREVIO's critical findings, and the ongoing femicide rate. An expert witness can provide detailed analysis of these conditions for individual cases. Country expert reports that address the specific failure of state protection in Georgia are particularly valuable in these claims. Our asylum guide offers further advice on building a strong case.

Key Point for Asylum Claims: Georgia's domestic violence law exists on paper but fails in practice. When the police response is to encourage reconciliation, when restraining orders go unmonitored, and when femicide continues despite legal reforms, the sufficiency of protection test is clearly not met. This is exactly the type of evidence that asylum tribunals consider when evaluating claims based on DV from Georgia.

Conclusion

Georgia passed its domestic violence law almost twenty years ago. Since then, legislators have amended it, strengthened penalties, ratified the Istanbul Convention, and introduced electronic monitoring. On paper, Georgia has a comprehensive legal framework. In reality, enforcement is almost zero. Police push reconciliation. Restraining orders are not monitored. Fines for violations are too low to deter anyone. Women continue to be killed by their partners and family members.

GREVIO has identified the problems clearly. The recommendations exist. What is missing is the political will to implement them. Until Georgia moves from passing laws to enforcing them, women in abusive situations will remain unprotected. For those who flee and seek asylum abroad, the documented failure of Georgia DV enforcement is strong evidence that state protection is not available. Decision-makers in asylum cases should consider this evidence carefully when assessing claims from Georgian women who have experienced domestic violence.


Footnotes

  1. Law of Georgia on the Elimination of Domestic Violence, Protection and Assistance to Victims of Domestic Violence, adopted 25 May 2006; Criminal Code of Georgia, Art 126.1 (introduced 2012)
  2. Law of Georgia on the Elimination of Domestic Violence (2006), as amended 2009, 2012, 2014, 2017, 2019; Legislative Herald of Georgia
  3. Law on Domestic Violence (Georgia), Arts 10-12 (protective and restrictive orders); Ministry of Internal Affairs Order No 575 on issuance of restrictive orders by police
  4. Public Defender (Ombudsman) of Georgia, 'Report on the Situation of Protection of Human Rights and Freedoms in Georgia' (2023), ch on domestic violence; Ministry of Internal Affairs, annual crime statistics 2020-2024
  5. GREVIO, 'Baseline Evaluation Report on Georgia' (Council of Europe, 2022); Committee of the Parties to the Istanbul Convention, Recommendation on Georgia (2023)
  6. Public Defender of Georgia, 'Femicide Monitoring Report' (2023); UN Women Georgia, 'Femicide Watch' data 2014-2024; Human Rights Watch, 'Georgia: Domestic Violence Claims Lives' (2023)
  7. GREVIO (n 5), paras 178-195 (police response to domestic violence); Public Defender of Georgia, Special Report on Domestic Violence (2022)
  8. State Fund for Protection and Assistance of (Statutory) Victims of Human Trafficking (Georgia), shelter data 2024; GREVIO (n 5), paras 120-132 (shelters and support services)
  9. GREVIO, 'Baseline Evaluation Report on Albania' (Council of Europe, 2017); GREVIO, 'Second Evaluation Report on Albania' (2024); Law No 9669 on Measures against Violence in Family Relations (Albania, 2006)
  10. Horvath v Secretary of State for the Home Department [2001] 1 AC 489 (HL); Convention Relating to the Status of Refugees (1951), Art 1A(2); UNHCR, 'Guidelines on International Protection: Gender-Related Persecution' (HCR/GIP/02/01, 2002)

Sources

  1. GREVIO, Baseline Evaluation Report on Georgia, Council of Europe, 2022
  2. UN Women Georgia, Gender Equality and Women's Rights Programme Reports, 2024
  3. Human Rights Watch, Georgia Country Reports: Women's Rights and Domestic Violence, 2023-2024
  4. Georgian Young Lawyers' Association (GYLA), Monitoring Reports on Domestic Violence Court Cases, 2023
  5. Council of Europe, Istanbul Convention: Monitoring and Evaluation Reports, 2022-2024
  6. Ministry of Internal Affairs of Georgia, Annual Crime Statistics and Domestic Violence Data, 2020-2024

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