Gender-Based Violence Against Women Persists in Pakistan

Last updated: 5 October 2026

Photo: Pakistani women - Inclusive Security

Gender-based violence in Pakistan continues to devastate the lives of millions of women and girls across the country. Despite legislative reforms and growing civil society advocacy, deeply entrenched patriarchal norms, weak institutional enforcement, and a culture of impunity ensure that women remain vulnerable to a staggering range of abuses — from domestic violence and honour killings to acid attacks and forced marriages. According to the latest available data, Pakistan ranks among the world's most dangerous countries for women, a reality that carries profound implications for international protection claims.[1] This article examines the scale, nature, and persistence of gender-based violence against women in Pakistan, providing an evidence-based assessment for legal practitioners, policymakers, and decision-makers evaluating asylum cases.

Background and Context

Pakistan's crisis of gender-based violence is rooted in a complex interplay of social, cultural, economic, and political factors. Patriarchal traditions — particularly in rural and tribal areas of Sindh, Balochistan, and Khyber Pakhtunkhwa — treat women as property or repositories of family honour. Consequently, violence against women is frequently rationalised as a disciplinary measure or a means of preserving communal standing.[2] These attitudes are reinforced by discriminatory interpretations of religious texts, feudal power structures, and the subordination of women within customary dispute-resolution mechanisms such as jirgas and panchayats.

Historically, Pakistani law itself institutionalised discrimination against women. The Hudood Ordinances of 1979, enacted under General Zia-ul-Haq's military government, effectively criminalised women who reported rape by requiring them to produce four male witnesses or face prosecution for adultery (zina).[3] Although the Protection of Women (Criminal Laws Amendment) Act 2006 partly reformed these provisions, the legacy of these laws continues to deter survivors from seeking justice. Furthermore, parallel legal systems — formal statutory law, Islamic law as interpreted by the Federal Shariat Court, and customary tribal law — create a fragmented landscape where women's rights protections are inconsistently applied.

Economic dependence compounds the problem. According to World Bank data, Pakistan's female labour force participation rate stands at approximately 22%, one of the lowest globally.[4] Women who lack independent income are less likely to leave abusive situations. Moreover, limited access to education — Pakistan has one of the world's largest populations of out-of-school girls — perpetuates cycles of vulnerability. In this context, gender-based violence is not an aberration but a structural feature of Pakistani society.

Current Situation of Gender-Based Violence in Pakistan

Recent data confirms that gender-based violence in Pakistan remains endemic and, in certain categories, is worsening. The Aurat Foundation's annual report documented over 4,700 cases of violence against women in 2024, though the organisation emphasises that this figure represents only a fraction of actual incidents due to chronic underreporting.[5] White Ribbon Pakistan estimates that fewer than 15% of GBV cases are ever reported to authorities, citing fear of retaliation, social stigma, distrust of law enforcement, and lack of access to services as key barriers.

The situation is particularly acute in conflict-affected and displacement-prone regions. Women in Balochistan, southern Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, and areas bordering Afghanistan face heightened risks. The displacement of communities due to military operations, natural disasters (notably the catastrophic 2022 floods and subsequent displacement crises), and armed conflict has stripped away already limited protective structures.[6] In displacement camps and informal settlements, women report alarming rates of harassment, sexual exploitation, and forced marriage — often perpetrated with impunity.

"Violence against women in Pakistan is not merely a law enforcement failure. It is a systemic crisis sustained by patriarchal norms, institutional complicity, and the state's unwillingness to prioritise women's safety."Human Rights Watch, World Report 2025

Additionally, the rise of digital technology has introduced new dimensions of gender-based violence. Cyber harassment, non-consensual sharing of intimate images, and online stalking disproportionately affect women and girls. The Digital Rights Foundation documented over 3,000 complaints of online harassment targeting women in 2024 alone.[7] Survivors of cyber harassment often face victim-blaming, and existing legislation — including the Prevention of Electronic Crimes Act 2016 — has been criticised for being used more frequently to silence dissent than to protect women.

Specific Violations and Patterns

Honour Killings (Karo-Kari)

Honour killings remain one of the most lethal forms of gender-based violence in Pakistan. The Human Rights Commission of Pakistan (HRCP) has consistently documented over 1,000 such killings per year, though actual figures are believed to be significantly higher.[8] Known as karo-kari in Sindh and Balochistan, these murders are carried out by family members against women perceived to have brought dishonour — through alleged extramarital relationships, choosing their own spouse, seeking divorce, or even being the victim of sexual assault. In many cases, so-called "honour" serves as a pretext for land disputes, inheritance seizures, or personal vendettas.

The Criminal Law (Amendment) (Offences in the Name or Pretext of Honour) Act 2016 was intended to close loopholes that allowed perpetrators to escape punishment through the Islamic legal mechanism of qisas (retribution) and diyat (blood money). Under this law, a mandatory minimum sentence of 25 years applies.[9] However, implementation remains deeply problematic. Families routinely pressure survivors and witnesses to withdraw cases, while police frequently record honour killings as suicides or natural deaths. The conviction rate for honour killings remains extremely low, estimated at below 5%.

Domestic Violence

Domestic violence is the most prevalent form of gender-based violence in Pakistan. The Pakistan Demographic and Health Survey found that approximately 28% of women aged 15-49 who have been married reported experiencing physical violence from a spouse.[10] Independent research by civil society organisations, however, suggests the true prevalence is far higher — with some studies indicating that up to 85% of women experience some form of domestic violence during their lifetime. Marital rape is not explicitly criminalised under Pakistani law, and domestic violence is widely regarded as a private family matter.

At the provincial level, Sindh passed the Domestic Violence (Prevention and Protection) Act in 2013, and Punjab enacted similar legislation in 2016. Balochistan and Khyber Pakhtunkhwa lack comprehensive domestic violence laws. Even where legislation exists, enforcement is minimal. Shelters are scarce — a 2024 report by the National Commission on the Status of Women identified fewer than 40 functioning government-run shelters nationwide for a female population exceeding 110 million.[11]

Acid Attacks

Pakistan has one of the highest rates of acid attacks in the world. Perpetrators — typically rejected suitors, estranged husbands, or family members — use acid to inflict disfiguring injuries as a form of punishment or control. The Acid Control and Acid Crime Prevention Act 2011 introduced penalties of up to life imprisonment and a minimum 14-year sentence.[12] Nevertheless, the Acid Survivors Foundation documented at least 170 cases in 2024. Access to acid remains largely unregulated despite statutory requirements for licensing, and many survivors face prohibitive costs for medical treatment and reconstructive surgery.

Forced and Child Marriage

Forced marriage remains widespread, particularly in rural Sindh and Balochistan. The practice often intersects with religious minority persecution, as Hindu and Christian girls are disproportionately targeted for abduction, forced conversion, and marriage to Muslim men.[13] UNICEF data indicates that approximately 18% of girls in Pakistan are married before age 18, with rates exceeding 40% in some districts of Sindh.[14] The Child Marriage Restraint Act 1929, while still in force, sets the minimum age for girls at just 16 and carries minimal penalties. Sindh raised the minimum to 18 through its Child Marriages Restraint Act 2013, but enforcement remains negligible.

Sexual Violence and Rape

Sexual violence is pervasive yet systematically underreported. Police often refuse to register First Information Reports (FIRs), subject survivors to degrading examinations (the "two-finger test" persists in some areas despite being declared unconstitutional), and pressure complainants to settle through informal mediation.[15] The Anti-Rape (Investigation and Trial) Act 2021 established special courts and a national sex offender registry, and criminalised the two-finger test. However, implementation has been slow, and conviction rates for rape remain below 3%.

Legal Framework and State Response

Pakistan's legal framework for addressing gender-based violence is characterised by progressive legislation on paper and profound implementation failures in practice. Key statutes include the following:

Despite this legislative architecture, implementation gaps are severe. The UN Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW) expressed concern in its most recent concluding observations about Pakistan's failure to effectively implement existing laws, the persistence of parallel legal systems that undermine statutory protections, and the lack of adequate funding for shelters, legal aid, and survivor services.[16]

"The Committee is deeply concerned that despite the existence of legal provisions criminalising various forms of gender-based violence, implementation remains grossly inadequate, and impunity for perpetrators is the norm rather than the exception."UN CEDAW Committee, Concluding Observations on Pakistan, 2024

Law enforcement agencies frequently fail women who seek protection. Police corruption, gender bias, and lack of training on handling GBV cases contribute to a hostile environment for survivors. Furthermore, the jirga system — informal tribal councils that adjudicate disputes in much of rural Pakistan — routinely trades women as compensation (swara or vani) to settle feuds, a practice that constitutes both forced marriage and trafficking.[17] Although the Supreme Court of Pakistan has declared jirga decisions that violate fundamental rights to be unlawful, these rulings have had limited practical effect in tribal areas where state authority is weak.

International obligations further highlight the gap between commitment and practice. Pakistan ratified CEDAW in 1996 but maintains reservations to several key provisions. It has not ratified the Optional Protocol to CEDAW, which would allow individual complaints. Pakistan also committed to the Sustainable Development Goals, including SDG 5 on gender equality, yet progress on indicators related to violence against women remains marginal.

Implications for Asylum Claims

The persistence of gender-based violence in Pakistan carries significant implications for international protection claims. Women fleeing Pakistan increasingly present asylum claims based on domestic violence, honour-based violence, forced marriage, and sexual violence. Decision-makers assessing these claims should consider several key factors.

First, the availability of state protection is demonstrably inadequate. As documented above, police routinely refuse to register complaints, conviction rates are negligible, and the shelter infrastructure is wholly insufficient. The UK Upper Tribunal in SN and HM (Divorced women — Loss of Protection) Pakistan [2021] UKUT 0190 (IAC) acknowledged that divorced women in Pakistan face a real risk of serious harm and that state protection may be insufficient.[18] This reasoning extends to women facing other forms of GBV.

Second, internal relocation is often not a viable alternative. Women who flee abusive families or communities face significant barriers to safe relocation within Pakistan. Single women living alone are socially stigmatised and vulnerable to further violence. Access to employment, housing, and services without male family support is severely restricted. The biradari (kinship network) system means that families can often trace and recover women who have fled, even across provincial boundaries.[19] Furthermore, women from religious minorities, those perceived as having transgressed honour codes, and those in regions affected by conflict and displacement face compounded risks that make internal relocation unreasonable.

Third, the nexus to a Refugee Convention ground is well established. Gender-based violence claims from Pakistan typically engage the grounds of "particular social group" (women in Pakistan, or a defined subset thereof) and, in cases involving religious minority women, religion. The UNHCR Guidelines on International Protection regarding Gender-Related Persecution confirm that gender-based violence can constitute persecution within the meaning of the 1951 Convention.[20]

Legal practitioners preparing asylum cases involving gender-based violence from Pakistan should ensure that country evidence addresses the specific form of violence, the geographic and social profile of the claimant, the documented failure of state protection mechanisms, and the unreasonableness of internal relocation. Expert evidence from Pakistan country specialists can be decisive in establishing these elements. Additionally, practitioners should consult the latest country reports from The Human Rights for up-to-date analysis.

The Role of Conflict and Displacement

Conflict and displacement significantly exacerbate gender-based violence against women in Pakistan. The country has experienced repeated waves of displacement due to military operations in the tribal areas, sectarian violence in Balochistan and Karachi, and climate-related disasters. The 2022 mega-floods displaced over 33 million people, and secondary displacement has continued into 2025 and 2026 as communities struggle to rebuild.[21]

In displacement settings, the breakdown of community structures, overcrowded and insecure shelter arrangements, and the absence of law enforcement create conditions in which violence against women intensifies. UN Women documented a sharp increase in reports of sexual harassment, intimate partner violence, and transactional sex in flood-affected areas of Sindh and Balochistan.[22] Displaced women from religious minority communities face compounded vulnerabilities, as they may be targeted both for their gender and their religious identity.

The intersection of conflict, displacement, and gender-based violence is particularly relevant for asylum claims. Women who have been displaced by conflict or disaster and subsequently subjected to violence may have claims that engage both the "particular social group" and "political opinion" or "religion" Convention grounds. Decision-makers should recognise that displacement does not merely increase exposure to violence — it fundamentally undermines the protective mechanisms that women might otherwise access, however inadequate those mechanisms may be.

Conclusion

Gender-based violence against women in Pakistan is a pervasive, deeply rooted, and ongoing human rights crisis. Despite a growing body of protective legislation, the state consistently fails to prevent violence, protect survivors, or hold perpetrators accountable. Honour killings, domestic violence, acid attacks, forced marriage, and sexual violence continue at alarming rates, sustained by patriarchal social norms, institutional failures, and a culture of impunity. Conflict and displacement compound these vulnerabilities, particularly for women in rural, tribal, and minority communities.

For asylum decision-makers, the evidence demonstrates that women in Pakistan who face gender-based violence cannot reliably access effective state protection. Internal relocation is frequently unreasonable given the pervasive nature of the risks and the social, economic, and cultural barriers that women face. Claims grounded in gender-based violence from Pakistan deserve careful, evidence-informed assessment that accounts for the systemic nature of the problem. Expert witness reports from organisations such as The Human Rights play a critical role in ensuring that decision-makers have access to the detailed, current country evidence necessary for just outcomes.

Legal practitioners seeking expert evidence on gender-based violence in Pakistan are encouraged to contact The Human Rights to commission a case-specific country expert report. Timely, authoritative evidence can make the difference between protection and return to danger.