6 min read
Photo: Colombia - Mussi Katz
Colombia forced recruitment by armed groups remains widespread despite the 2016 Peace Agreement. Both children and adults are targeted by FARC dissidents, ELN, the Clan del Golfo, and other groups for forced incorporation as fighters, informants, drug couriers, and — for women and girls — sexual exploitation. Furthermore, the UN Secretary-General's annual reports on Children and Armed Conflict have consistently identified Colombia as having unresolved child recruitment by multiple armed actors. As a result, those who resist recruitment, escape after recruitment, or are family members of recruited persons face severe risks. This article documents the patterns and asylum implications.[1]
Related: Colombia armed groups.
Child recruitment trend post-2020
Verified child recruitment cases (Defensoría)
Multiple actors involved
Disproportionately affected
The Scale of Recruitment
Colombia's Defensoría del Pueblo (Ombudsman) has documented hundreds of confirmed forced recruitment cases per year — and many more unreported cases. The Coalition against the Recruitment of Children and Adolescents (COALICO) and the UN Secretary-General's Children and Armed Conflict Reports document the pattern. Furthermore, child recruitment has increased significantly since 2020, particularly affecting indigenous and Afro-Colombian communities. As a result, Colombia remains on the UN list of countries with parties to conflict implicated in child recruitment. Therefore, forced recruitment is documented at scale.[2]
Methods of Recruitment
Armed groups use multiple recruitment methods: (1) Direct coercion — kidnapping, threats to family if refusal; (2) Deception — false promises of money, work, status; (3) Economic compulsion — recruitment in regions of severe poverty; (4) Social media grooming — particularly for younger recruits; (5) Demonstration of power — open recruitment in dominated communities; (6) Targeting at school entrance/exit; (7) Recruitment through family networks; (8) Recruitment of internally displaced or returning displaced. Furthermore, methods vary by armed group and region. As a result, the recruitment dynamic is context-specific. Therefore, country expert evidence should address the specific methods relevant to the applicant's case.[3]
| Recruited Profile | Use Within Armed Group | Risk on Refusal/Escape |
|---|---|---|
| Boys (12-17) | Combat, transport | High — assassination |
| Girls (12-17) | Combat, sexual exploitation | High — assassination, retaliation |
| Young men (18-25) | Combat, leadership | High — assassination |
| Young women (18-25) | Combat, logistics, exploitation | High |
| Indigenous youth | Local fighters with terrain knowledge | Very high — community-level |
| Afro-Colombian youth | Local fighters, drug routes | Very high |
| Family members of recruited | N/A (used as leverage) | Threats, displacement |
Most Affected Regions
Forced recruitment is concentrated in specific regions: (1) Cauca — FARC dissidents and other groups recruit indigenous and Afro-Colombian youth; (2) Nariño — recruitment in coca cultivation regions; (3) Catatumbo (Norte de Santander) — ELN and others; (4) Chocó — ELN, Gulf Clan; (5) Arauca — ELN and FARC dissidents; (6) Putumayo — FARC dissidents; (7) Antioquia (Bajo Cauca) — Gulf Clan and successor groups; (8) Caquetá and Meta — FARC dissidents. Furthermore, urban peripheries of Medellín, Cali, and Cúcuta show recruitment by gangs and armed groups. As a result, regional risk varies. Therefore, asylum claims should specify the relevant region.[4]
Indigenous and Afro-Colombian Communities
Indigenous and Afro-Colombian communities face disproportionate recruitment risk. Reasons include: (1) Geographic isolation makes communities more vulnerable; (2) Armed groups exploit terrain knowledge of indigenous youth; (3) Economic marginalisation increases susceptibility to recruitment offers; (4) State protection in these communities is particularly weak. Furthermore, the Constitutional Court's Auto 004 (2009) on indigenous peoples specifically addressed displacement and recruitment risks. As a result, indigenous and Afro-Colombian asylum claims often combine ethnicity, recruitment risk, and displacement. Therefore, multi-grounded analysis is essential.[5]
"The recruitment and use of children by armed groups in Colombia has continued and increased in recent years, despite the country's national legislation and international commitments to end this practice."UN Secretary-General, Children and Armed Conflict Report on Colombia 2024
Risks of Resistance
Persons who resist recruitment face severe risks. Common outcomes: (1) Assassination — refusal often produces immediate or eventual killing; (2) Forced displacement — the entire family may need to flee; (3) Threats against family — refusal triggers retaliation against parents, siblings, children; (4) Forced labour in lieu of fighting; (5) Sexual violence (for women and girls); (6) Recruitment of family member as substitute. Furthermore, escape after recruitment also produces severe risk — escapees are pursued and killed. As a result, those who resist or escape are in particular danger. Therefore, asylum claims by resisters and escapees have strong factual foundation.[6]
For Colombian asylum applicants in recruitment cases: Document: (1) Identity of the recruiting armed group; (2) Specific attempts at recruitment (dates, places, persons involved); (3) Resistance or escape circumstances; (4) Threats received subsequently; (5) Other family members affected; (6) Internal displacement attempts. Country evidence: Defensoría del Pueblo Early Warning System reports; COALICO; UN Children and Armed Conflict.
State Response
The Colombian state has formal frameworks: prohibition under Article 162 of the Penal Code; Decree 4690 of 2007 establishing the Intersectoral Commission for the Prevention of Recruitment; Defensoría del Pueblo Early Warning System (SAT); demobilisation and reintegration programmes for recruited children. Furthermore, the Petro government has emphasised the issue. However: implementation is uneven; protection mechanisms have limited reach in conflict regions; recruited children face stigma and legal complications. As a result, state response does not provide effective protection in most cases. Therefore, the Horvath test for state protection is generally not met.[7]
Asylum Implications
Forced recruitment-related asylum claims engage: particular social group (e.g., "Colombian youth who refuse forced recruitment"); imputed political opinion (where the recruiting armed group has political character); for children — Convention on the Rights of the Child and best interest considerations; non-state persecution doctrine. Furthermore, UNHCR Guidelines on International Protection No. 8 (Child Asylum Claims, 2009) provide relevant authority. As a result, recruitment-based claims are well-grounded under refugee law. Therefore, decision-makers should engage with these claims with attention to the specific armed group and region.[8]
Conclusion: A Continuing Risk
Colombia forced recruitment remains widespread, increasing in some regions, and disproportionately affecting indigenous and Afro-Colombian youth. Furthermore, the state response — though formally robust — fails in practice to protect at-risk youth and their families. As a result, recruitment-based asylum claims are well-grounded. Therefore, these claims should be advanced with full engagement with the country evidence base.
Footnotes
- UN Secretary-General, Children and Armed Conflict Report on Colombia 2024.
- Defensoría del Pueblo Reports; COALICO Annual Reports.
- UNICEF Colombia documentation on recruitment methods.
- Regional analysis of recruitment by ICG, Insight Crime.
- Constitutional Court Auto 004 (2009) on indigenous peoples; ONIC documentation.
- UNHCR Colombia notes on recruitment-related risks.
- Decree 4690/2007; Penal Code Article 162; Defensoría SAT operations.
- UNHCR GIP-08 (Child Asylum Claims, 2009); Convention on the Rights of the Child.
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