Ethiopia's Tigray Conflict: War Crimes Documented by the UN

Last updated: 5 October 2026

Photo: Amhara Genocide - Alisdare Hickson

Ethiopia's Tigray conflict was the most lethal armed conflict of the 21st century in Africa. Between November 2020 and November 2022, federal Ethiopian forces, Eritrean troops, Amhara regional special forces, Tigrayan armed groups, and various militias produced civilian harm on a historic scale. The OHCHR-EHRC Joint Investigation, the UN International Commission of Human Rights Experts on Ethiopia (ICHREE), Human Rights Watch, and Amnesty International have all documented war crimes by multiple parties. This article gives a thematic overview of the Ethiopia Tigray conflict — its drivers, its principal patterns of harm, and its unresolved aftermath. Furthermore, it identifies the displacement legacies that continue to drive asylum claims in 2026.[1]

For the COI-focused analysis of war crimes, see the Tigray war crimes article. For broader context, see the Ethiopia country report.

Background and Drivers

The conflict's roots lie in the political transition that began in 2018. The Tigray People's Liberation Front (TPLF) had dominated the EPRDF coalition that ruled Ethiopia from 1991 to 2018. The 2018 transition saw Abiy Ahmed (Oromo) become Prime Minister; the EPRDF was dissolved and replaced with the Prosperity Party in 2019. The TPLF refused to join. Subsequently, tensions over delayed elections, the federal-regional balance, and political space escalated through 2020. The September 2020 Tigray regional elections — held in defiance of the federal government — became the immediate flashpoint.[2]

The November 2020 outbreak

On 4 November 2020, Prime Minister Abiy ordered a "law enforcement operation" against the TPLF. ENDF, Eritrean Defense Forces, and Amhara regional special forces entered Tigray together. The federal government announced victory and the capture of Mekelle by the end of November 2020. However, TPLF forces had withdrawn into the mountains; conflict continued.

Major Patterns of Harm

Several distinct patterns of harm emerged during the conflict. Each has been documented by multiple authoritative sources.[3]

Mass killings

Specific incidents include the Mai Kadra massacre (November 2020, hundreds of ethnic Amhara civilians killed in the early days of the conflict, attributed by the Ethiopian government to TPLF-aligned forces); the Aksum massacre (November 2020, hundreds of ethnic Tigrayan civilians killed by Eritrean forces); Bora Selewa (December 2020, killings by ENDF); and dozens of smaller incidents. Total estimates of war-related deaths reach 600,000 or more, with civilians constituting a significant share.

Sexual violence as a weapon

Conflict-related sexual violence was extensive, systematic, and used as a method of warfare. ENDF, EDF, and Amhara regional forces were the primary perpetrators identified in OHCHR-EHRC and ICHREE reporting. Tens of thousands of survivors have been documented. Furthermore, sexual violence frequently occurred with explicit ethnic motivation, used to terrorise, displace, and harm Tigrayan communities.

Ethnic cleansing in Western Tigray

Western Tigray — the Welkait, Tsegede, and Humera areas — was occupied by Amhara forces in November 2020 and has remained under Amhara administration since. Hundreds of thousands of ethnic Tigrayans were forcibly displaced. Property was seized; identification was confiscated; people were forced eastward across the Tekeze river. HRW's April 2022 report "We Will Erase You from This Land" documented the pattern as crimes against humanity and ethnic cleansing.

Famine as a method of warfare

The federal government imposed a humanitarian blockade on Tigray for much of 2021 and into 2022. Banking, electricity, telecommunications, and fuel were cut. Food convoys were obstructed. UN agencies reported severe food insecurity and famine conditions. ICHREE found that the conduct met the legal threshold for using starvation as a method of warfare under the Rome Statute Article 8(2)(b)(xxv).

The Pretoria Aftermath

The Pretoria Cessation of Hostilities Agreement was signed on 2 November 2022 between the Ethiopian government and the TPLF, with African Union mediation. The agreement covered withdrawal of Eritrean forces, demobilisation of TDF, restoration of federal services, humanitarian access, and accountability. Implementation has been partial.[4]

What has been implemented

• Banking, electricity, and telecommunications largely restored to most of Tigray.
• Federal services partly restored.
• Humanitarian access widened.
• Major combat operations stopped.

What has not been implemented

• Eritrean forces continue to operate in some Tigrayan border areas.
• Western Tigray remains under Amhara administration; Tigrayan IDPs cannot return.
• Independent international accountability ended with ICHREE in October 2023.
• TPLF leadership tensions have produced new internal Tigray displacement.
• Rebuilding healthcare, education infrastructure remains incomplete.

The Pretoria Agreement has stopped the worst of the violence but has not produced sustainable peace. Significant unresolved issues — Eritrean withdrawal, Western Tigray, accountability — continue to drive displacement and asylum.
UN Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights, Briefing on Ethiopia (2024)

Displacement Legacies

The Ethiopia Tigray conflict displaced over 2 million people during the war. Many remain displaced in 2026. UNHCR and IOM data record continuing IDP populations in Tigray, Amhara, and Afar regions. Some are unable to return because of property loss, security concerns, or destroyed villages. Furthermore, refugee outflows to Sudan, Kenya, and onward to Europe and North America have produced an Ethiopia-specific asylum population.[5]

Asylum Implications

Ethiopia Tigray conflict survivors carry asylum claims of multiple types. Tigrayan civilians from Western Tigray have race/nationality (ethnicity) Convention claims combined with continuing displacement. Sexual violence survivors have PSG claims with strong medico-legal foundations. Former TDF/TPLF members have political opinion claims. Furthermore, Tigrayan diaspora activists who have publicly engaged with international advocacy have sur place claims based on continuing surveillance.[6]

Conclusion

The Ethiopia Tigray conflict ended formally in November 2022 but its consequences remain live in 2026. UN-documented war crimes — killings, sexual violence, ethnic cleansing, famine — produce strong evidence for a wide range of asylum profiles. The Pretoria Agreement halted the worst combat but left unresolved issues that continue to drive harm and displacement. Therefore, decision-makers handling Tigrayan asylum claims must engage with the post-Pretoria reality, not the Pretoria narrative alone. To commission a country expert report, use the find expert witness service. For the broader Ethiopia analysis, see the country reports section.