Oromo Persecution in Ethiopia: The Largest Ethnic Group Under Attack

Last updated: 5 October 2026

Photo: Ethiopia - Hotel Kaesong

Ethiopia Oromo persecution is one of the most enduring patterns in the country's modern political history. Oromo people make up Ethiopia's largest ethnic group, with around 35% of the population. Despite this demographic majority, Oromo political voices have repeatedly been silenced, prosecuted, and exiled. The 2018-2020 reform period briefly opened political space for Oromo opposition figures returning from exile. However, the post-2020 period has seen a return to mass arrests, detention without trial, and conflict in West Oromia. Therefore, Oromo asylum claims continue to feature prominently in 2026. This article maps the key risk profiles, the legal framework, and the evidence required for successful claims.[1]

For wider context, see the Ethiopia human rights report.

The History of Ethiopia Oromo Persecution

The Oromo are an Afroasiatic-speaking people whose territory covers much of central, southern, and western Ethiopia. Despite being the largest ethnic group, Oromo political and economic voice was historically suppressed under successive imperial, military, and federal governments. The Oromo Liberation Front (OLF), founded in 1973, fought for self-determination during the Derg era and again during the early federal period. The Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF), in power from 1991 to 2018, marginalised the OLF and prosecuted Oromo activists under the 2009 Anti-Terrorism Proclamation.[2]

The 2014-2018 protest movement

From 2014, Oromo students and farmers led mass protests against the Addis Ababa Master Plan — a proposed expansion of the capital into Oromia. The protests evolved into the broader Qeerroo movement (Oromo youth movement). Federal security forces killed hundreds of protesters between 2015 and 2018. The protests contributed directly to the resignation of Prime Minister Hailemariam Desalegn and the appointment of Abiy Ahmed in April 2018.

The 2018-2020 reform period

Abiy Ahmed's reforms brought OLF leaders home, released thousands of political prisoners (many Oromo), and lifted the terrorist designation of the OLF. Subsequently, Oromo activists who had operated in exile in Asmara, Nairobi, the US, and Europe returned. However, the 2020 assassination of Oromo musician Hachalu Hundessa, the resulting protests and ethnic violence, and the subsequent crackdown reversed many gains. The federal government rearrested many activists and reimposed restrictions.

The Oromo Liberation Army (OLA-Shene) Conflict

The Oromo Liberation Army (OLA, often referred to by the federal government as "OLA-Shene") split from the OLF in 2018-2019, refusing to disarm under the post-2018 settlement. OLA holds territory in parts of West Oromia, including Wollega zones (East Wollega, West Wollega, Kellem Wollega, Horo Guduru). Federal forces and Amhara regional forces have conducted operations against OLA. As a result, civilian casualties have been documented, including massacres of ethnic Amhara residents (attributed to OLA in some incidents) and counter-massacres of ethnic Oromo civilians in retaliation.[3]

Civilian harm in OLA conflict zones

UNHCHR and Amnesty International have documented multiple massacres in West Oromia between 2020 and 2026. The 2022 Tole massacre (Gimbi, West Wollega) killed an estimated 200-400 ethnic Amhara civilians; OLA denied responsibility and blamed federal forces. Subsequent incidents have followed similar patterns of contested attribution. Civilians in West Oromia face risk from multiple armed actors and from federal counter-insurgency operations.

Political Detentions Since 2020

Mass detention of Oromo individuals has been a continuing feature of the post-2020 period. The federal government has used the 2020 Anti-Terrorism Proclamation (Proclamation No. 1176/2020) to detain OFC and OLF members, journalists, and civil society activists. UNHCHR documented the detention of Bekele Gerba (OFC senior leader), Jawar Mohammed (Oromo activist and former Al Jazeera journalist), and many others between 2020 and 2022. Some have been released; others remain detained.[4]

Detention without trial

Many Oromo detainees have been held without formal charges for extended periods. Conditions in detention have been documented as poor by Amnesty International and the Ethiopian Human Rights Commission. Reports of torture and ill-treatment in pre-trial detention have emerged from multiple sources. Therefore, Oromo asylum cases involving detained individuals frequently include claims of torture and inhuman treatment in addition to political persecution.

Oromo Journalists and Press Freedom

Journalists who have covered the OLA conflict, the Oromo political opposition, or human rights violations in Oromia have faced detention and prosecution. Several Oromo-language and Afaan Oromo media outlets have been closed or restricted. Furthermore, internet shutdowns affecting Oromia have limited information flow during periods of escalation. RSF and CPJ have repeatedly raised cases of detained Oromo journalists.[5]

Despite the Oromo political ascendancy that the Abiy government was supposed to represent, Oromo activists, journalists, and opposition members continue to face detention, prosecution, and intimidation.
Human Rights Watch, Ethiopia: Oromia Repression (2024)

Risk Profiles for Oromo Asylum Claims

Evidence for Oromo Asylum Claims

Strong Oromo asylum cases combine personal evidence with country expert evidence. The expert report should address: the specific political affiliation of the claimant; the relevant geographic context (which Oromia zone); the federal government's targeting patterns; and any individual surveillance or detention history.[6]

• Personal narrative: Detailed witness statement covering political activity, prior detentions, threats, and family circumstances.
• Documentary evidence: Court summons, detention records, OFC/OLF membership materials, photographs of protest participation.
• Country expert report: Profile-matched analysis of risk and the federal targeting pattern.
• Medico-legal report: Where torture has occurred.
• Diaspora sur place evidence: Ethiopian government surveillance of overseas Oromo activists is documented.

Conclusion

Ethiopia Oromo persecution is not a relic of pre-2018 Ethiopia. It is a continuing pattern that has reasserted itself since 2020. Mass detention, conflict in West Oromia, prosecution of journalists and opposition figures, and ongoing surveillance of diaspora activism produce credible Convention-grounded asylum claims. Asylum decisions that treat Abiy's reform period as having durably resolved Oromo political grievances misread the evidence. Therefore, expert evidence is essential for current cases. To commission an Ethiopia expert report, use the find expert witness service. For broader Ethiopia analysis, see the country reports section.