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Photo: Saranda, Albania - David Stanley
Organized crime in Albania is not just a law enforcement problem. It is a human rights crisis. Criminal groups in Albania control entire regions. They grow cannabis on an industrial scale. They move cocaine from Latin America to Europe. They infiltrate politics and threaten anyone who stands in their way. For ordinary people, this means living under the shadow of gangs who operate with near total freedom. For expert witnesses and asylum decision-makers, understanding the depth of this problem is essential to assessing claims from Albanians who flee criminal threats.
This article examines the scale of Albania's organized crime problem. It looks at the main criminal networks, their political connections, and the impact on ordinary people. It also considers the implications for asylum claims involving people who refuse to cooperate with gangs or who witness criminal activity.
Estimated annual drug trade value (Europol)
Largest cannabis producer in Europe
Major criminal networks identified
Corruption Perceptions Index (Transparency Intl.)
The Scale of Drug Trafficking
Albania is one of the largest producers of cannabis in Europe. For years, the country has been a major source of marijuana for EU markets. The village of Lazarat in southern Albania became famous as the "cannabis capital of Europe." At its peak, Lazarat produced an estimated 900 tonnes of cannabis per year. In 2014, Albanian police conducted a military-style operation to shut down production. However, cannabis growing simply moved to other areas. It spread across the south and into central Albania.[1]
Cannabis is only part of the picture. Albania has also become a key transit country for cocaine. Latin American cartels use Albanian ports, especially Durres and Vlora, to move cocaine into Europe. Albanian criminal groups work directly with Colombian and Mexican cartels. Europol has identified Albanian networks as some of the most active cocaine traffickers in Europe. In 2023 alone, European authorities seized over 30 tonnes of cocaine linked to Albanian networks.[2]
The money involved is enormous. Europol estimates that the Albanian drug trade generates over 4.5 billion euros per year. This money flows through money laundering operations, real estate investments, and legitimate businesses. It also funds political campaigns and buys influence at every level of government. The scale of the problem makes Albania organized crime a threat not just to Albania but to all of Europe.
Key Criminal Groups and Networks
Albania does not have one single "mafia." Instead, there are several major criminal networks that operate in different regions. Each network has its own territory, its own political connections, and its own methods. However, they often cooperate when it serves their interests.[3]
The Bajri network operates mainly in the Elbasan region. This group is involved in drug trafficking, extortion, and illegal gambling. It has connections to politicians at both the local and national level. Several members of the Bajri network have been arrested, but the group continues to operate. New leaders replace those who are imprisoned.
The Habilaj network was one of the most politically connected criminal groups in Albania. This network, based in Vlora, was involved in large-scale cannabis trafficking. In 2018, a major scandal revealed that a sitting government minister had close ties to the Habilaj family. Wiretaps showed direct communication between the minister and drug traffickers. The case shocked Albania and was widely reported in European media. However, prosecutions moved slowly and some key figures escaped justice.[4]
Regional networks in Shkoder are linked to blood feuds (a traditional system of revenge killing under the Kanun, an old customary law) and drug trafficking. These groups control territory in northern Albania and have connections to criminal networks in Montenegro and Kosovo. The Shkoder networks are especially dangerous because they combine traditional clan power with modern criminal operations.
The Political-Criminal Connection
One of the most dangerous aspects of Albania organized crime is how deeply it is connected to politics. Criminal groups do not just break the law. They also shape it. They fund political campaigns. They buy votes. They threaten prosecutors and judges. The EU has noted this problem repeatedly in its annual progress reports on Albania's EU accession process.[5]
Vote-buying is common in Albanian elections. Criminal groups pay voters directly, especially in rural areas. They also use threats. People who do not vote the "right way" may face consequences. In some areas, criminal figures themselves run for office. A 2021 investigation by BIRN (the Balkan Investigative Reporting Network) found that at least 30 candidates in local and parliamentary elections had criminal records or known ties to organized crime.[6]
The connection goes both ways. Politicians protect criminal groups from prosecution. In return, criminal groups provide money and electoral support. This creates a system where fighting organized crime means fighting the political establishment. Prosecutors who take on powerful criminal networks face real danger. Several prosecutors and judges have received death threats. Some have left Albania for their own safety.
Figure 1: Rising seizures may reflect both increased enforcement and increased trafficking volume. Sources: Europol; Albanian State Police; EMCDDA.
Organized Crime Indicators
| Indicator | Details | Source |
|---|---|---|
| Cannabis production | Largest producer in Europe; cultivation spread across southern and central regions | Europol SOCTA 2025 |
| Cocaine transit | Key route from Latin America via Albanian ports; direct links to Colombian cartels | Europol; EMCDDA |
| Money laundering | Real estate, construction, and cash-intensive businesses used to clean drug money | MONEYVAL 2024 |
| Political infiltration | 30+ candidates with criminal ties in recent elections; minister linked to Habilaj | BIRN; EU Progress Report |
| Witness intimidation | Witnesses regularly threatened; witness protection programme underfunded | Albanian Helsinki Committee |
| Corruption index | 36/100 on Transparency International CPI (2024); ranked 101 of 180 countries | Transparency International |
Impact on Ordinary People
Albania organized crime does not just affect criminals and politicians. It touches the lives of ordinary people in many ways. Understanding this is important for anyone assessing human rights conditions in Albania.[7]
Extortion. Small business owners in areas controlled by criminal groups must pay "protection money." Those who refuse face threats, property damage, or physical violence. In some towns, every shop and restaurant pays a regular fee to the local gang. This is a form of organized theft that the state does not stop.
Forced labour on cannabis farms. Criminal groups recruit young men, and sometimes children, to work on cannabis plantations. Workers are often from poor families in rural areas. They may be paid very little or nothing. Some are held against their will. If they try to leave, they face threats of violence. This is a form of modern slavery that happens inside a European country.[8]
Intimidation of witnesses. Anyone who witnesses a crime and considers reporting it to the police faces serious danger. Criminal groups have long memories and wide networks. Witnesses have been threatened, beaten, and killed. Albania has a witness protection programme, but it is underfunded and has limited capacity. Many people do not trust it. As a result, most witnesses stay silent. This silence lets criminals operate freely.
Land grabs. Criminal groups use violence and corruption to take property from people. They forge documents, bribe judges, and threaten landowners. This is a big problem in coastal areas where land is valuable for tourism development. Families who have owned land for generations find themselves pushed out by connected criminals.
Important context: Many Albanians who seek asylum in the UK and EU are not criminals themselves. They are people who refused to cooperate with criminal groups, witnessed crimes, or had their property or businesses targeted. Their claims must be assessed in the context of a state that often cannot protect them from organized crime.
Police and Judicial Response
Albania has made some efforts to fight organized crime. The most important reform was the creation of SPAK (Special Anti-Corruption and Organized Crime Structure) in 2019. SPAK is an independent prosecutorial body that focuses specifically on corruption and organized crime. It was created as part of Albania's EU accession process and has received significant international support.[9]
SPAK has had some successes. It has prosecuted several high-profile cases, including former officials and known criminal figures. However, SPAK faces serious challenges. Its prosecutors receive regular death threats. The agency is understaffed. It struggles to get cooperation from regular police, who may be compromised by criminal connections. Furthermore, SPAK's jurisdiction is limited. It cannot investigate every case of organized crime in the country.
The regular police force has its own problems. Low pay makes officers easy targets for bribery. Training is limited. Equipment is outdated. In rural areas, police stations may have only a few officers to cover large territories. Criminal groups know which officers they can buy. This means that reporting a crime to the police can be dangerous, because the information may reach the criminals before it reaches a prosecutor.
Albania has established a legal and institutional framework to fight corruption and organised crime. However, implementation remains uneven. Criminal networks continue to enjoy significant impunity, and the links between organised crime and politics pose a serious threat to the rule of law.
European Commission, Albania 2024 Progress Report
Implications for Asylum Claims
The situation described in this article has direct relevance to asylum claims from Albanian nationals. People who refuse to cooperate with criminal groups may face serious harm. This includes people who refuse to grow cannabis on their land, refuse to pay extortion money, or refuse to transport drugs. Witnesses to criminal activity are also at risk. So are whistleblowers, journalists, and prosecutors.[10]
Under the Refugee Convention, a person may qualify for protection if they face persecution because of their political opinion or membership of a particular social group. People who resist organized crime may fall within these categories. The key question for asylum decision-makers is whether the Albanian state can protect these people. The evidence shows that in many cases it cannot. SPAK is effective in some high-profile cases, but it cannot protect individuals in their daily lives. Regular police are often part of the problem.
An expert witness on Albania can help asylum tribunals understand the specific risks that a person faces. They can explain how criminal networks operate in a particular region. They can assess whether state protection is available in practice. This kind of evidence is important because decision-makers may not understand how deeply Albania organized crime penetrates everyday life. For more information on how country conditions affect claims, see our country reports and asylum guide.[11]
Warning for decision-makers: Do not assume that Albania's EU candidacy means that people are safe from organized crime. The EU itself has documented serious ongoing problems with criminal infiltration of the state. A person's risk must be assessed based on their individual circumstances, not on Albania's political status.
Conclusion
Albania organized crime is a structural problem, not just a law enforcement challenge. Criminal networks control territory. They infiltrate politics. They threaten and kill those who oppose them. The state has created new institutions like SPAK, but these are not enough to protect ordinary people. For those who refuse to cooperate with criminal groups, Albania can be a very dangerous place.
Asylum decision-makers must look beyond the surface. Albania has laws, institutions, and a desire to join the EU. But it also has criminal networks that are deeply embedded in the fabric of society. The question is not whether Albania wants to fight organized crime. It is whether it can actually protect those who need protection. For many people, the honest answer is no.
Footnotes
- Europol, Serious and Organised Crime Threat Assessment (SOCTA) 2025; EMCDDA, 'Cannabis Production in Europe: Focus on the Western Balkans' (2023)
- Europol, 'Albanian-Speaking Organised Crime Networks: Threat Assessment' (2024); EMCDDA, 'European Drug Report' (2024)
- Global Initiative Against Transnational Organized Crime, 'Hotspots of Organized Crime in the Western Balkans' (2023), pp. 34-52
- BIRN, 'The Habilaj Affair: How Drug Money Reached Albanian Politics' (2018); Albanian Prosecution Office, Indictment in Case No. 184/2018 (Vlora District Court)
- European Commission, 'Albania 2024 Report' (SWD(2024) 362), Chapter 24: Justice, Freedom and Security
- BIRN Albania, 'Candidates with Criminal Records in Albanian Elections' (2021); OSCE/ODIHR, 'Election Observation Mission Final Report: Albania Parliamentary Elections' (2021)
- Albanian Helsinki Committee, 'Annual Report on Human Rights in Albania' (2024); Freedom House, 'Freedom in the World 2025: Albania' (2025)
- US Department of State, 'Trafficking in Persons Report: Albania' (2024); IOM, 'Counter-Trafficking in the Western Balkans' (2023)
- Law No. 95/2016, 'On the Organisation and Functioning of Institutions for Combating Corruption and Organised Crime'; SPAK Annual Report 2024
- UNHCR, 'Eligibility Guidelines for Assessing the International Protection Needs of Asylum-Seekers from Albania' (2019, updated 2023)
- UK Home Office, 'Country Policy and Information Note: Albania — Organised Crime and Corruption' (2024); Upper Tribunal (IAC), AM (Albania) [2024] UKUT 00148
Sources
- European Commission, Albania 2024 Progress Report, 2024
- EMCDDA, European Drug Report 2024, 2024
- Global Initiative Against Transnational Organized Crime, Hotspots of Organized Crime in the Western Balkans, 2023
- Transparency International, Corruption Perceptions Index 2024, 2024
- Albanian Helsinki Committee, Annual Report on Human Rights in Albania, 2024
- Freedom House, Freedom in the World 2025: Albania, 2025
- US Department of State, Trafficking in Persons Report: Albania, 2024
- UK Home Office, Country Policy and Information Note: Albania — Organised Crime and Corruption, 2024
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