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Photo: Tirane Albania protest 21 jan - godo godaj
Corruption in the Albanian justice system is not just a problem for politicians. It directly affects ordinary people who need protection. When an asylum seeker is told "go to the police" or "use the courts," this advice ignores the reality of Albania's broken justice system. Judges have been dismissed for corruption. Police officers take bribes. Prosecutors fail to bring cases to trial. For victims of domestic violence, blood feuds, and trafficking, the justice system offers little real help. This article explains why Albania's courts and police fail, and what this means for asylum claims.[1]
The evidence comes from the European Commission, the US Department of State, Transparency International, and Albania's own vetting bodies. It shows a justice system that has improved on paper but still fails in practice. For expert witnesses and decision-makers, understanding these failures is essential when assessing state protection claims.
Judges dismissed or resigned in vetting
Corruption Perceptions Index score (2024)
Conviction rate for DV and blood feud cases
Vetting process ongoing since 2018
The Vetting Process: Cleaning Up the Judiciary
In 2016, Albania changed its Constitution to allow a special vetting process. This process checks all judges and prosecutors for corruption, links to organised crime, and hidden wealth. It began in 2018 with strong support from the EU and the United States. Two special bodies were created: the Independent Qualification Commission (IQC) and the Appeals Chamber. International observers from the International Monitoring Operation (IMO) watch the process.[2]
The results have been shocking. By 2025, more than 60% of all judges and prosecutors who went through vetting were either dismissed or resigned before their hearing. Some were dismissed for having unexplained wealth. Others had hidden connections to criminal groups. Some simply could not explain where their money came from. The vetting process has confirmed what many Albanians already knew: the justice system was deeply corrupt.[3]
However, the vetting process has also created a serious problem. So many judges have been removed that the courts cannot function properly. Cases take years to be heard. Some courts do not have enough judges to hold trials. The Constitutional Court was unable to work for over two years because it did not have enough members. Although new judges are being appointed, the process is very slow. As a result, justice is delayed for thousands of people.
Figure 1: Outcome of judicial vetting in Albania. Data from the Independent Qualification Commission and the International Monitoring Operation, as reported in the European Commission Albania 2024 Report.
Police Corruption and Political Interference
The Albanian police force has serious problems with corruption. Officers take bribes to drop cases or to warn suspects before raids. In some areas, police have direct links to organised crime groups. Politicians interfere in police work, especially before elections. Local police chiefs are often appointed based on political loyalty, not on their ability to do the job.[4]
For ordinary people, this means the police cannot be trusted. Victims of domestic violence report that police tell them to "go home and sort it out." Blood feud families report that police refuse to take action against the threatening family. Trafficking victims say that police officers are sometimes involved in the trafficking itself. These are not isolated cases. They are patterns that appear again and again in reports from international organisations.[5]
The Albanian government has tried to reform the police. It has created internal affairs units and signed agreements with EU police missions. However, progress is slow. The EU has noted that "police corruption remains a serious concern" in every annual progress report on Albania. Until police officers face real consequences for corruption, the situation is unlikely to change.
Albania Corruption Justice: Prosecution Failures
Even when police do investigate a crime, the prosecution often fails. Albania has very low conviction rates for serious crimes. Domestic violence cases are often dropped or downgraded to minor offences. Blood feud killings are sometimes recorded as ordinary murders, hiding the true nature of the crime. Trafficking cases rarely result in serious sentences. Organised crime bosses are almost never convicted.[6]
| Crime Type | Reported Cases (annual est.) | Prosecution Rate | Conviction Rate |
|---|---|---|---|
| Domestic violence | 5,000+ | Low | Very low; most end in protection orders only |
| Blood feud killings | 10-30 | Medium | Low; perpetrators often flee or are protected |
| Human trafficking | 100+ identified victims | Low | Very low; few traffickers receive serious sentences |
| Organised crime | Varies | Low | Very low; major figures rarely convicted |
| Corruption (public officials) | Hundreds of complaints | Medium (rising with SPAK) | Improving but still low for senior officials |
The reasons for these failures are clear. Prosecutors face political pressure. Witnesses are afraid to testify because there is no effective witness protection. Evidence disappears. Cases are delayed until witnesses give up. The entire system works against the victim and in favour of the powerful.
SPAK: The Special Anti-Corruption Structure
In 2019, Albania created SPAK, the Special Anti-Corruption and Organised Crime Structure. This includes a special prosecution office (SPO) and a special court (the Anti-Corruption and Organised Crime Court). SPAK was designed to investigate and prosecute high-level corruption and organised crime. It has had some notable successes, including investigations into former ministers, mayors, and judges.[7]
However, SPAK faces serious challenges. Its prosecutors have received threats and attacks. The workload is very heavy because so much corruption was left unpunished for so long. SPAK also depends on the police for investigations, and police corruption can undermine its work. Additionally, some critics say that SPAK is not truly independent and can be influenced by the government.
Despite these problems, SPAK represents the best hope for fighting Albania corruption justice failures. It has shown that it can bring cases against powerful people. However, its impact on the daily lives of ordinary Albanians is still limited. Victims of domestic violence, blood feuds, and trafficking still face a justice system that does not work for them.
EU Progress Report Findings
The European Commission publishes an annual report on Albania's progress toward EU membership. Every report since 2018 has raised serious concerns about the justice system. The 2024 report noted that while the vetting process has removed corrupt judges, the resulting staff shortages have created new problems. Courts are overwhelmed with cases. Trials take years. Many people give up on the legal system entirely.[8]
Albania has made progress on justice reform, particularly through the vetting process and the establishment of SPAK. However, corruption remains widespread and continues to undermine the rule of law. The judicial system suffers from significant backlogs, and the fight against organised crime requires further sustained efforts.
European Commission, Albania 2024 Report, SWD(2024) 365 final
The EU has also noted problems with implementation of laws. Albania has good laws on paper. It has laws against domestic violence, trafficking, and corruption. However, these laws are not properly enforced. The gap between law and practice is very wide. This is a critical point for asylum claims. Decision-makers must look at what actually happens, not just what the law says.
What This Means for State Protection Claims
In asylum law, a key question is whether the person's home country can protect them. If someone faces persecution from a non-state actor, like a violent husband, a blood feud family, or a trafficking gang, the decision-maker must ask: can the state protect this person? The answer for Albania is often no.[9]
The evidence shows that Albanian police are often unable or unwilling to protect vulnerable people. The courts are too slow and too corrupt to provide justice. Social services are weak. Witness protection does not work. For victims of domestic violence, the police may issue a protection order, but nobody enforces it. For blood feud families, the police say they cannot prevent a future attack. For trafficking victims, the police may be part of the problem.
This does not mean every Albanian asylum claim should succeed. However, it does mean that decision-makers should not dismiss claims simply because Albania has laws and institutions. They must look at whether those laws and institutions actually work for the specific person making the claim. In most cases involving human rights violations, the answer is that they do not.
Important for asylum decision-makers: The existence of laws and institutions is not enough. Albania has anti-corruption laws, domestic violence laws, and a vetting process. However, the evidence shows these do not translate into real protection. State protection must be assessed based on practical reality, not legal frameworks.
Implications for Asylum Claims
Albania corruption justice failures have direct consequences for asylum seekers. When the Home Office or a tribunal says "you can go to the police," the response must be supported by evidence of what actually happens when people go to the police. The UK Home Office Country Policy and Information Note (CPIN) on Albania acknowledges many of these problems, but decision-makers do not always apply this information correctly.[10]
An expert witness can explain the gap between law and practice. They can describe the vetting process and its consequences. They can explain why police corruption means victims cannot get help. They can show that low conviction rates mean criminals act with impunity. This kind of evidence is often essential to winning an Albanian asylum claim.
Key arguments for asylum claims include: the police have been asked for help and did not provide it; the courts are too slow to provide protection; corruption means the other party can buy influence; witness protection does not exist in practice; and previous attempts to use the legal system have failed. For detailed guidance, see our asylum guide and country reports.
Conclusion
Albania corruption justice is a deep and systemic problem. The vetting process has confirmed that the judiciary was riddled with corruption. The police remain unreliable. Prosecution rates for serious crimes are very low. SPAK offers some hope, but its impact is limited so far. The EU continues to identify corruption and rule of law as major concerns.
For asylum seekers from Albania, these failures mean the state often cannot protect them. Decision-makers must assess state protection based on reality, not on the existence of laws. An expert witness can provide the evidence needed to show that Albania's justice system fails the people who need it most. The Albania corruption justice crisis is not just a governance issue. It is a human rights issue that directly affects whether vulnerable people can find safety.
Footnotes
- European Commission, 'Albania 2024 Report' SWD(2024) 365 final; Transparency International, 'Corruption Perceptions Index 2024: Albania' (2025)
- Constitution of the Republic of Albania, as amended by Law No. 76/2016 (Justice Reform); International Monitoring Operation, 'Annual Report on the Vetting Process in Albania' (2024)
- Independent Qualification Commission (IQC), 'Statistical Report on Vetting Outcomes' (2025); European Commission (n 1)
- US Department of State, 'Albania 2023 Human Rights Report' (2024); Freedom House, 'Nations in Transit 2024: Albania' (2024)
- OSCE Presence in Albania, 'Report on Domestic Violence in Albania' (2020); US Department of State, 'Trafficking in Persons Report 2024: Albania' (2024)
- Albanian Helsinki Committee, 'Report on the Justice System in Albania' (2024); European Commission (n 1)
- Law No. 95/2016 on the Organisation and Functioning of Institutions to Fight Corruption and Organised Crime; SPAK Annual Report (2024)
- European Commission (n 1); Council of the European Union, 'Conclusions on Enlargement: Albania' (December 2024)
- Refugee Convention 1951, art 1A(2); Horvath v Secretary of State for the Home Department [2001] 1 AC 489 (HL) on the standard of state protection
- UK Home Office, 'Country Policy and Information Note: Albania: Background Information Including Actors of Protection and Internal Relocation' (2024)
Sources
- European Commission, Albania 2024 Report, SWD(2024) 365 final
- Transparency International, Corruption Perceptions Index 2024: Albania, 2025
- US Department of State, Albania 2023 Human Rights Report, 2023
- Freedom House, Nations in Transit 2024: Albania, 2024
- UK Home Office, Country Policy and Information Notes: Albania, 2024
- Albanian Helsinki Committee, Reports on the Justice System in Albania, 2024
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